Monday, December 29, 2025

Journalism Is Not a Crime!

In 2018, the administration of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (PhD) ushered in an era of reform, freeing exiled media and releasing imprisoned journalists. Yet the hope that these measures promised a renaissance for journalism was short-lived. Since the outbreak of conflict in Tigray in 2020, the environment has sharply deteriorated. Press freedom in Ethiopia has been on a distressing decline for the past few years. The country dropped four places to rank 145th out of 180 on the World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) in May 2025—placing it squarely in the ‘very serious’ category for the first time alongside the likes of Yemen, Sudan, and Rwanda.

In the past fortnight alone two journalists, including a senior editor at the Ethiopian Reporter newspaper, were abducted while another three were placed under arrest.  The recent uptick in the forced disappearance and detention of journalists primarily belonging to the private media represents a distressing development for Ethiopia’s media landscape. According to both local and international human rights organizations, since 2020 over 200 journalists have been arrested, with dozens fleeing into exile. Two have been killed, and numerous outlets shuttered or suspended. Physical attacks, digital harassment and disinformation, death threats, and legal intimidation have become part of daily reality for many media workers, forcing many to exercise self-censorship. Meanwhile, the government has resorted to using the broad and vague provisions of the anti-terrorism and hate-speech law, in the opinion of many observers, to stifle dissent. Though the 2021 media law decriminalized defamation and protected sources on paper, in practice journalists continue to be detained under emergency provisions. Furthermore, the regulatory Ethiopian Media Authority (EMA) routinely revokes licenses and imposes punitive measures on outlets deemed “unbalanced,” targeting both foreign and domestic media.

There can be no arguing that journalists can and indeed have to be held accountable for crimes they may perpetrate. The police or public prosecutor can summon and ask journalists to give a statement where they have reason to believe that the latter have broken the law. Once they do so, the journalist ought to be immediately released upon executing a bond with or without surety depending on the gravity of the suspected act. In no case should they be placed in custody until they appear before court. There is no legal justification allowing their abduction or detention in contravention of established procedures.  If they are found guilty after undergoing a trial they like anybody else, they will be subject to a sentence the court hands down. However much journalists may have strayed off course, they should solely be judged in accordance with the law.  Legal and administrative impediments only serve to suppress freedom of the press and more broadly of expression.

The decline of media independence in Ethiopia carries profound implications for the country’s fragile democratization process. A free press is the lifeblood of democracy, enabling citizens to access accurate information, scrutinize government actions, and participate meaningfully in political life. When journalists are silenced through censorship, arrests, or intimidation, the public sphere shrinks, leaving state narratives unchallenged and dissenting voices marginalized. This erosion of pluralism undermines the very foundation of democratic legitimacy, replacing open debate with fear, rumor, and propaganda. In Ethiopia’s context—marked by intercommunal tensions, recurring conflict, and contested political authority—the absence of independent media magnifies mistrust between communities and between citizens and the state. Without reliable reporting, grievances fester in the dark, fueling polarization and violent mobilization rather than peaceful negotiation. Moreover, the discouragement of critical journalism sends a chilling signal to civil society, weakening other democratic institutions by example. The repression of media also diminishes Ethiopia’s credibility as a reforming state, potentially jeopardizing diplomatic and economic partnerships that hinge on democratic progress. Without a robust and independent media landscape, Ethiopia risks backsliding into authoritarianism disguised as stability—where power is consolidated, accountability evaporates, and the promise of democratization remains perpetually deferred.

Ethiopia’s road to stability—and its legitimacy—rests upon informed public debate. A democracy devoid of a free press is a facade. Journalists are not enemies of the state; they are essential sentinels of accountability, guardians of truth, and catalysts of progress. The journey ahead calls for the government to forsake laws and practices that curtail press freedom; it also demands a courage from journalists and commitment from society by. Through such measures as reforming restrictive laws, strengthening institutions, protecting those at risk, and fostering an enabling environment, Ethiopia can reclaim its path toward a free, resilient, and pluralistic media landscape. Without decisive action, independent journalism risks being silenced entirely. But with thoughtful interventions, Ethiopian journalists can—and must—be empowered to continue their vital work.

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