The Reporter’s Sisay Sahlu sat down with Dr. Ferdinand von Weyhe, Chargé d’Affairs a.i. of the German Embassy in Addis Ababa, to discuss Germany’s current role, its support for Ethiopia’s ongoing reforms, and the future of bilateral ties.

Dr. von Weyhe brings a wealth of experience to his post. Since 2023, he has served as Deputy Head of Mission in Addis Ababa, following senior leadership roles at the Federal Foreign Office in Berlin, where he headed both the Humanitarian Response Division (2021–2023) and the Rule of Law Promotion and Security Sector Reform Unit (2016–2021). His diplomatic career spans postings in Dhaka, St. Petersburg, Sofia, and Berlin, with expertise ranging from humanitarian response to governance and security reform.

His career reflects a blend of legal scholarship, humanitarian leadership, and diplomatic service across diverse regions. Against this backdrop, he shares insights on Germany’s priorities in Ethiopia, the challenges and opportunities in investment and security, and how the two countries can build on their 120-year legacy of cooperation. EXCERPTS:

The Reporter: The diplomatic relations between Ethiopia and Germany have a long history. What has been achieved over the past 120 years?

Dr. Ferdinand von Weyhe: Well, 120 years is indeed a very long time. When we speak of achievements, it is important to remember that the primary task of diplomacy is to enable and facilitate interactions between our two countries.

We have established a set of very strong pillars in the relationship between Germany and Ethiopia. If we highlight some core diplomatic achievements, one of the most significant was Emperor Haile Selassie’s visit to Germany in 1954. It was the first official visit to West Germany after the Second World War. Beyond such milestones, the role of the embassy and diplomacy is to build bridges—whether in business, culture, academia, or people-to-people exchange.

These exchanges are where we truly see achievements. The relationship is not abstract; it involves 80 million Germans and 130 million Ethiopians coming together, learning from one another, and making the best use of shared opportunities.

For example, the German Embassy School in Addis Ababa has been here for 70 years. Many Ethiopian children have studied there, and it continues to enrich our educational and cultural ties.

If we look even further back, beyond the 120 years of formal diplomatic relations, we find evidence of cooperation dating back 400 years. A notable example is the collaboration between the Ethiopian scholar Abba Gorgorios and the German scientist Hiob Ludolf.  Together, they produced works on the Ge’ez language, Amharic, and the history of Abyssinia. This illustrates the deep and long-standing intellectual connections between our two nations.

Another important pillar is our cooperation in archaeology, which is almost as old as our diplomatic relations. Next year will mark 120 years since the Axum expedition. What is remarkable is that this cooperation is not only historical—it continues today. I had the privilege of visiting German archaeologists working in Yeha, near Adwa, where there is an impressive cultural site: the Temple of Yeha. We are proud to join hands in this ongoing work, which strengthens our shared heritage and partnership.

What are the current developments and are there any priorities regarding diplomatic relations?

Well, if you look over the years, I think in those days, and this goes for diplomats around the world, at the beginning of the 20th century, the first task was to have very high-level interaction with the authorities of the receiving country. I give you one example, my predecessor in the 1920s.

He had a very close relationship with the Ras Teferi [Mekonnen] and members of the imperial family were coming to his house, having lunch together, and maintaining a friendly relationship. You might be aware that some days ago, we had a wonderful celebration at the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, where several artefacts were donated to the Institute, which is part of Addis Ababa University. These artefacts were gifts from Ras Teferi 100 years ago to my predecessor.

So, we chose this very close interaction at the highest level. And then there was the task of supporting your own nationals. Both tasks are still relevant today.

But also, one stream of diplomatic support has always been business, which was relevant then and is still relevant today. I also mentioned the field of scientific cooperation. I think this has been, from the very beginning, an important pillar of interest, where diplomats supported expeditions to Aksum, just as we support archaeologists today working in Yeha or other places.

I think what has emerged as a new point of bilateral ties is development and economic cooperation, which only started after World War II and which today is also an important pillar of our bilateral relations.

The EU, specifically Germany, has been a very good supporter of Ethiopia’s development efforts and humanitarian issues. The Tigray war prompted a diplomatic backlash from the international community and EU members. What has changed since then, and how is the German government balancing this diplomatic relationship?

We make a clear distinction between humanitarian assistance and development cooperation. Humanitarian assistance is focused on people in need. So, we support people in need irrespective of government, regime, or conflict situation, across the globe.

It is a principled approach to humanitarian assistance: we assess how many people are in need, and we provide support. This applies to Germany, but also to many other countries that want to support people in need.

A second axis of interaction is development cooperation. For us, this is very important to make government-to-government, because we don’t want to carry out development actions in any country without working jointly with the government. It is more efficient, and most importantly, we don’t want to interfere in another country’s affairs without the agreement of its elected government.

Now, coming to the northern Ethiopia conflict, there was indeed a suspension of EU budget support. I want to stress that Germany also suspended its budget support, but we have now unblocked this support so it can flow again.

It will flow together with the DPO, the World Bank program. This is very important to emphasize, because we are doing this in respect and support of the macroeconomic reforms that have been undertaken. As a community with the IMF and World Bank, we have clearly signalled that we want to support Ethiopia’s macroeconomic reforms. This is why the IMF is spending a lot of money, this is why the World Bank is spending a lot of money, and as contributors, we are also in line with this by unfreezing our bilateral budget support to Ethiopia.

How is your government measuring the effectiveness of the support provided? For example, recently we have seen a large amount of money pledged by the German government: 205 million euros for support to the Ethiopian government and five million for UNDP’s peace efforts in Ethiopia.

Indeed, we have just pledged a lot of money. One part, I was just talking about it, the 100 million for the budget support, which had been subscribed already a couple of years back and has now been unfrozen because of the progress we saw with the macroeconomic reforms.

Then there is another 106 million, which is based on the recent development negotiations we had only last month in Berlin, where a delegation from Ethiopia went to Germany. This money is not budget support, but it is very specifically for jointly agreed programs and projects.

Now to your question, how do we measure, evaluate, monitor—we do all this. Well, every program, every project must not only be monitored, but also evaluated.

We have an institution for this in Germany. It is called Deval. This institute has the responsibility to evaluate our programs and projects undertaken in the field of development cooperation.

So, it is a very technical approach. If you have a project, then you have a log frame, then you define what your impact shall be, what your outcome shall be, what your output shall be, and what the indicators are.

And then, after or even during the program, we assess to what extent these goals have been attained.

Germany is known for initiating new projects in Ethiopia, which have been very successful, including in public housing, agriculture, and TVET schools. How do you evaluate the government of Germany’s endeavour to support Ethiopia in different sectors?

First, it is, of course, German taxpayers’ money. So, we must be very attentive to how it is spent and used. By and large, we are convinced that the programs—again, jointly designed by the German and Ethiopian governments—are very good.

And they have a good purpose. We all know that even as a company, you might have a good purpose and a good goal you want to attain, but it will not always succeed. This is also fair to acknowledge.

In the end, there are others to judge this, not the German acting ambassador. I see, for example, the Universities of Applied Sciences. I think this is something many people will associate with Germany and with German contributions.

The vocational schools are a very good example. The TVET system, which we attach great importance to, comes from our own experience in Germany. The important issue about the TVET system is the interaction between industry and the schooling system.

Because we all know that industry—I call it industry at large, it includes services, hotels, or whatever it is—the demand is changing rapidly. And if there is a school system saying, “Oh yes, we have this curriculum, and last year we had the same, and ten years ago we also had the same,” then the industry will say, “Yes, that is very nice, but we don’t work for history. We want somebody trained for our needs today.” And there is a lot of change.

So, it is very important to have this interaction between industry, the demand for the workforce, and the training institutes—the TVET system—so that TVET is training young people according to the needs of the labour market, and not according to some curriculum invented 20 years ago.

The vast majority of students have failed the university entrance exam in Ethiopia, and the government is pushing them to join TVET schools. Are there any plans to expand support for the TVET system?

I wouldn’t say expand, but we want to continue this path, because we consider it important, and based on our own experience, I think we can contribute here.

But again, I think most importantly—and this is why we always stress the interaction of the schools with industry, services, architecture, or whatever—is this cooperation between local demanders, local job providers, local employees, and the schools, to make it really top-notch and up-to-date.

How much are German companies investing in Ethiopia?

I can’t say, because the German embassy does not keep track of investors here in town or in the country.

So, it is only by chance, through those who come to the embassy for some issues, some problems, or just to say, “Hello, I’m here,” but we do not have any system where every German coming here must pass by the embassy and declare, “I want to invest so much money.”

So, I cannot give you exact figures. There is some investment in the field of agriculture, and some investment in Bole Lemi Park to produce specific materials. But, by and large, the investment is not big.

When I came here two years ago, I was wondering why this was the case. Talking to many businesses over time, having visited Dire Dawa this week and Hawassa Industrial Park, I tried to understand the problem: why is there not more FDI coming to Ethiopia? And I think, if you talk to businesses, and again, I’m just a diplomat, I don’t have to make money here, I don’t have to protect my investment, I don’t have to make a business case—we do see that they face a lot of problems and challenges.

The important issue is that a potential investor may come to the German Embassy to ask, “How is the situation? What can you tell me about the country you are serving? But the most important information he will get is from businesses already in the field, already active in Ethiopia. If they say, “Everything is very smooth, administration is good, we have a good legal framework, everything is fine,” then the investor will say, “Okay, this is a place where I will put my money, my intellectual capacity, and my technical equipment.”

But if the companies are saying, “We are facing administrative hurdles, we face insecurity, we have challenges with the tax system, or whatever,” then this investor will say, “Okay, better to spend my money in another country.”

The EU Chamber in Ethiopia recently spoke out about the challenges that EU businesses are facing. Are there any specific challenges for German companies?

This goes beyond investing. I think one challenge, in addition to what I just said above, is not what an investor might face, but what a buyer faces. It is also very important to bring in buyers to purchase Ethiopian products—not only coffee, which we all know about, but also other agricultural products—to increase the labour-intensive component of production here in Ethiopia. For example, buyers of garments from the industry.

Let me put two points here. One is that there is a huge opportunity for Ethiopian companies producing in Ethiopia—when I say Ethiopian, I am not referring to the passport, but to companies based here—because there is a European customs regime called ‘Everything But Arms.” This means that from Ethiopia to Europe, you can export everything except arms with no customs duties and no tariffs.

I think this is attractive and provides a great competitive advantage for products produced in Ethiopia. But those who want to source from Ethiopia, for example, garments, say they face two issues. The first is logistics. It is difficult, expensive, and time-consuming. They told me that it takes more time to ship garments from Ethiopia to the European market than from Southeast Asia to Europe, even though the distances are much greater from Asia. So, logistics is really an issue.

I think there has been a good step forward in opening the freight forwarding sector. It is very important to have more competition here, to bring in more freight forwarders, and to make this a success. Logistics is a critical link in the chain of making Ethiopian products successful. The second issue is customs. Buyers say it is sometimes very difficult and takes too much time to get items through customs.

When Volkswagen executives visited Ethiopia two years ago, they personally told me they had a plan to open a plant in Ethiopia and were looking for favourable policies from the Ethiopian side. What happened to their plan?

Have the policies been changed? Yes, some policies have changed, particularly regarding e-vehicles. Over the past two years, I have seen a huge change in the car market here.

We had discussions with Volkswagen because we also asked ourselves about the ideas we heard two or three years ago about them coming to Ethiopia. The big issue, I think—and this applies to many European car companies—is that imports of combustible cars are now restricted. Another issue is that the e-vehicle market, from their perspective, is not yet fully developed.

If you have a European high-end quality brand, then you must protect it. If the after-sales service, workshops, and infrastructure for e-vehicles are not yet secured, then they say, “We’d better wait.” They don’t want their customers to buy a Mercedes, Volkswagen, or any other car here in Ethiopia and then ask, “Where is the workshop? Where is the mechanic? Where is the after-sales service? Where is the charging infrastructure for this car?”

If those things are missing, then these high-reputation brands face challenges in terms of marketing and branding worldwide. So, they say, “Once this is secured, in terms of all these things that are important—not only selling, which is easy, but ensuring reliability—we will move forward.” A high-end quality product must guarantee that the customer is happy not only on the day of purchase, but also five or ten years later.

And for this, after-sales service is essential. This is what they explained to me, and it makes sense.

Is there any possibility of things changing?

Oh, yes, of course. Because we all know Ethiopia is a fast-growing market. So many people live here. We have the African Continental Free Trade Area, which is on the way.

So, from here, you might also be able to export. And if conditions are set for these brands to come in, I mean, they want to make money. They want to make customers here happy as well. So, they would say, “Okay, let’s go.”

Ethiopia mostly exports agricultural and textile products to the EU market. Is there any plan to diversify exports from Ethiopia? How is the EUDR being negotiated?

For the first one, we must ask the business. Because we are not a state-run economy. We are not, as an embassy, saying, “Oh, we now want to import this or that.” It is the business.

And if they see a good opportunity to source from Ethiopia, they will surely do so. Coffee, agricultural products, flowers—yes, all of this. I think for the value chain in Ethiopia, it would be crucial not to export raw materials or raw products, but to climb further up the production chain.

Now, for the EUD, the purpose of this regulation is very good and very important.

It feeds into Ethiopia’s green legacy, for example, to prevent forests from being cut. And this is something we all should fight for—following the Paris Agreement, following our climate goals, seeing the devastating effects of climate change. So, it is important to have such a regulation in place.

Being one of the biggest markets in the world, the EU has a responsibility as a consumer. I am talking not about governments, but about consumers, to contribute. Because in the end, it is the consumer who pays for everything added in terms of clarification, regulation, and so on.

Because businesses will pass all the costs on. So, the European consumer is ready to pay extra costs to contribute to preventing forests from being cut down. Now, for the EUDR regulation, the timeline has been extended. And the administrative challenges or requirements have been eased. So, this is something that Ethiopian coffee farmers—and we know there are millions of them—can now work with more easily. It is also quite important to have this tracking of coffee, because other things can build on it.

For example, if you want to make extra money with coffee in terms of organic or fair trade or whatever you call this extra branding, then again, consumers are ready to pay extra money for this. And for this, of course, you need localisation of the product.

What about the EU’s human rights considerations in production?

Well, at least I can say for Germany, there is a law on this. And it is not only about child labour, but about a responsible supply chain. The consumer and the company in Germany that sells the product to the German consumer must ensure that, along the supply chain, certain standards in terms of human rights are respected. Child labour is one of these issues. So, no child labour is allowed, and other social conditions must also be met. Again, the German consumer is ready to pay for this because it all creates extra costs, and he or she will pay a higher price for the product, but is willing to do so.

Ethiopian officials have been undertaking reforms on human rights, media laws, and initiating transitional justice and national dialogue. How is your government following the practicality of those undertakings? How are these issues being evaluated in a country that has also been supporting those reforms?

In the end, it is, of course, an Ethiopian decision how to move forward, what kind of freedom of expression, what kind of healing process after a war. We can share our experience; we can give support here and there.

We are very happy that we are working together with Ethiopia on the Human Rights Council in Geneva, where Ethiopia is now elected vice president of the UNHRC, which gives, of course, a certain responsibility also towards the world.

The national dialogue, I understand, is a very strong, inclusive, ongoing process—inclusive wherever possible in this country. I understand that it is not possible in all provinces, and not in all areas, due to security issues, so this, of course, is hampering. But by and large, I think it is important.

It is a way of expressing grievances, interacting with society, and giving room for different groups. And I think, when I read it correctly, we are now at the stage of how to really feed this into a final national convening—integrating all the ideas, problems, grievances, solutions, whatever is coming from the public.

Of course, this is my German experience: normally, in our system, we don’t have a national dialogue. People have the right and the possibility to express their aims, goals, and wishes through elections. And since elections are coming up next summer here in Ethiopia, I think this will feed into the process.

The second one is transitional justice. From our own experience, after the reunification of Germany, which we celebrated this year with 35 years of reunification, we also had different approaches to healing, because in the end, it is about healing. One example was that people had the chance to look into the archives of the secret police to see whether there was any file on them. This was one attempt at healing—it is all about healing. And I know here there is also something like truth-telling, meeting, and forgiving.

But again, in our system, what was clear for me at least is that there were also actions that had been taken—let me put it in neutral terms—that had to be followed through an accountability system in the sense of a criminal court system. This was at least our experience after reunification. So, we do think that such a process might also be troublesome for some people, and it can be challenging for many, but we believe that in the end, it is a healing process after difficult times, whether it be war or the system we had in East Germany.

The next point was on the media. We attach great importance to media freedom. Why? Because it is spelt out in so many legal documents—not only in our constitution, but in many constitutions and international agreements. Freedom of the media is very important. With the media, people have the chance to express themselves, and this can also, from a government perspective—and I am a civil servant—prevent things from boiling over, because people already have the chance to express themselves, share grievances, and say they are not happy or whatever it may be.

So, in the end, it is good to get this kind of feedback, because only then can we work towards the people, and we are, in the end, responsible to the people. It is sometimes not pleasant to hear what the media is saying, yes, that is true, and I am not sure how all politicians in Germany take the media, but I think all politicians should be aware that the role of the media is helpful as a kind of mirror to the actions of the administration.

We are here with Deutsche Welle Amharic, which is not a government institution but a free media. We follow the situation of Deutsche Welle Amharic very closely, and I know from many Ethiopian interlocutors who tell me, “Oh, already my father and my mother have been listening to Deutsche Welle Amharic.” So, I think for many Ethiopians it is an important tool of information. We are still hopeful that the suspension of the two remaining journalists will be lifted, so that all journalists here—all correspondents of Deutsche Welle Amharic—can continue to work as they did for many, many years.

To tell the truth, to inform the population—I think this is very important. Regarding human rights, I touched upon this by mentioning Geneva and Ethiopia’s vice presidency at the UNHRC, which is a very important responsibility in terms of human rights. We also see the situation here with the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission. It must be an Ethiopian institution—it is not foreigners, but Ethiopians—and it is very good that they have a close view on the situation in this country.

To speak out when needed on human rights, not in a way that blames, shames, or confronts, but really to put a finger on issues. It should be a helping hand for the government to improve the situation, because, as I said, all our governments have subscribed to human rights.

When your government and the EU in general provide development support to Ethiopia, how do they evaluate the state of human rights, media freedom, and democracy in the country, given that these values are often considered Western principles closely tied to diplomatic and bilateral relations? 

I wouldn’t say these values are Western. They might have been developed in the Western world because the Enlightenment, historically with Descartes and Kant and other philosophers, was strong in the West. But in the end, we can derive all these human rights from a core value deeply embedded in Ethiopia, even based on religious values—the dignity of the human being, which is central in Christianity.

We are about to celebrate Genna (Christmas). In Christianity, we believe that man was created by God according to His image. So, these values are not simply Western ideas; they are based on the dignity of human beings, something universal.

It is no coincidence that these values unite the world through so many international treaties, including in Africa.

Now to your question about cooperation with countries regarding media freedom, rule of law, or similar issues. One approach is: if there is a lack of rule of law, why not work jointly on it? That would imply increasing cooperation. But another view is: if we have worked for years on improving the rule of law and see no progress, why continue? So, it is not an easy answer.

We take it from a partnership perspective. If there is a clear interest, even with shortcomings in human rights or governance, we treat it as a joint challenge to work on. If we are invited to support, we do so. If the government says, “No, we want to keep it as it is,” we will not interfere.

Here in Ethiopia, one strong pillar of our development cooperation is improving governance. If the government invites us to support us with our experience, knowledge, and institutions like KfW and GIZ, we are happy to do so.

During the northern Ethiopia war, there was huge pressure from the EU, the US, and other countries to stop the fighting. Although the scale is different, there are also conflicts in Amhara and Oromia, with reports of killings, looting, and rape. How are these developments being observed now? Is there similar pressure?

I am just an observer. We see conflicts ongoing, and this is very sad. It hampers travelling through the country, and it hampers investment. Investors need stability and security. If they hear of looted farms or insecurity, they will choose another country.

When I talk to Ethiopian interlocutors, I see how difficult it is to reach political agreements and solutions. We can only encourage peace. What we can contribute is support after the war in the North, where so much is ruined and people are in despair.

For example, we support the UNDP Peace Support Facility, and we contribute to programs for medium-sized enterprises and the PSNP, especially in rural areas. These instruments feed into stability and discourage people from picking up arms again.

We also support repairing schools, water pipelines, and institutions like police and courts, so people feel everyday life is improving—not just that fighting has stopped.

Any pressure or efforts from the EU or Germany to push officials for more peace efforts?

I wouldn’t say pressure. But of course, we have conversations with the Ethiopian government to understand how they are working toward peace. No external pressure is needed to convince a government to seek peace with its own population, to increase security, stability, and investment.

Children going back to school is a huge issue. Many are prevented from attending because of conflict. So, peace is in the government’s very own interest. If they ask how we can support them, we stand ready. Stability in Ethiopia matters not only for Ethiopia but for Africa as a whole.

How do you see Ethiopia regarding its role in Horn of Africa politics?

Ethiopia is a major stabiliser, contributing to the African Union Support and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM) and fighting terrorism. Ethiopia’s role in combating al-Shabaab is commendable, both within AUSSOM and bilaterally. This is why the EU strongly supports this African-led mission. It is a good signal that it is AU-led.

The same applies to the AU mission in Ethiopia’s North. African ownership and African-led solutions are crucial.

On sea access, I can only reflect on reactions from Somalia, Eritrea, and Djibouti. Ethiopia’s request for port access has caused concerns from its end. The memorandum with Somaliland two years ago caused an outcry, but it has been settled, which is good.

We fully support Ethiopia’s diversification of ports, as spelt out in a letter by the foreign minister. Today, about 90 percent of trade goes through Djibouti, but there are many options—Assab, Lamu, Berbera, and Mombasa. Opening the freight forwarding sector and enabling competition will reduce costs and improve Ethiopia’s competitiveness.

The EU visa restrictions imposed in April 2024 included longer processing times, suspension of multiple-entry visas, and stricter documentation. This was due to insufficient cooperation on the readmission of irregular migrants. Is there development?

There was a lack of cooperation, and we are very happy to see that this cooperation in terms of taking back or identifying and then taking back own nationals from Europe has improved, that there’s a good, solid cooperation now. This is why there’s a lot of discussion going on in Brussels about how to come back to the situation as it was one and a half years ago, to abolish the visa requirement.

Will it be soon?

That depends on Brussels. I don’t know if it will be soon, but the process is underway, and I am hopeful. Cooperation has improved, and this gives a good chance for the restrictions to be lifted.

The EU and Germany are strong supporters of Ethiopia’s elections. But opposition parties say the release of imprisoned politicians is necessary for free and fair elections. Has this been discussed?

We have constant conversations with the relevant authorities, such as NEBE. We strongly support the election process—not only technically, but also by supporting civil society organisations to build trust in free and fair elections.

We hear the opposition’s concerns about security. It is important that all parties can communicate their messages through the media. Ultimately, all parties must do their homework, and the people must have the choice to vote freely.

The German government and the UN Development Program have called on the Ethiopian government to step up its investment in recovery and resilience for communities affected by conflict.

The call came during a ceremony on Thursday, where the German government signed off on a five million euro financing package for the UNDP Peace Support Facility in Ethiopia, adding to the 19 million euros already provided by Berlin.

The agreement was signed by Germany’s Chargé d’Affaires, Ferdinand von Weyhe (Dr.), together with UNDP Ethiopia’s resident representative, Samuel Ghaydee.

The Peace Support Facility was established following the Pretoria Agreement, and USD 60 million has already been spent on demobilizing former combatants and restoring communities, according to Ghaydee.

“When there is no development, or when development is flawed, societies are exposed to the risk of humanitarian crises,” said Ghaydee, further stressing that prioritization of investment in sustainable development is a preventive measure against future crises.

He underscored the heavy cost of conflict:

“If that money had been invested in development and sustainable peace, there would have been no need to spend it on the consequences of war. That is why we emphasize greater investment in development and sustaining peace across Ethiopia.”

He added that when people see the tangible benefits of peace such as stability, livelihoods, and opportunities they become more resistant to returning to conflict. In northern Ethiopia, UNDP’s current focus is on recovery and stabilization, helping war-affected communities rebuild their lives. The damage from just two years of conflict in the region has been estimated at more than USD 20 billion.

Ghaydee stressed that Germany’s support is not charity but “smart development.”

“We are advancing strategic, high-impact investments in Ethiopia’s recovery and in institutions that anchor lasting peace,” he said.

Von Weyhe explained that the financial support will be directed toward rebuilding war-torn regions by strengthening local governance, the rule of law, basic social services, and economic revival.

“Rebuilding war-torn regions by supporting local governance, rule of law, social services, and economic revival is of great importance for the people. Thus, the population will experience a positive peace dividend. We truly believe the Peace Support Facility can play a catalytic role in this regard,” he said.

He praised UNDP and its partners for their demand-driven approach, which builds trusted relationships between communities and authorities and responds directly to local needs.

Despite global budget constraints, Germany’s decision to increase its financial contribution demonstrates an invitation for continued cooperation with Ethiopia’s partners.

A high-level German delegation visited Ethiopia this week and held discussions with Ethiopian officials.

The delegation, led by Germany’s Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, Reem Alabali-Radovan, announced 206 million euros in commitments to support Ethiopia’s efforts in building peaceful and inclusive societies, transforming agriculture, and promoting sustainable economic development. The commitments include direct budget support aligned with Ethiopia’s reform agenda and other priority areas.

The third IGAD Governance Forum, which concluded on Friday in Addis Ababa, brought together key actors from across the Horn of Africa in a resounding call for stronger, more inclusive, and accountable institutions to sustain peace and democracy in the region.

Over the two-day gathering, representatives from parliaments, judiciaries, media, youth groups, and oversight bodies shared experiences and challenges in advancing good governance and democratic resilience within their countries.

Organized under the theme ‘Democratic Institutions as Instruments for Peace and Resilience in the IGAD Region,’ the forum explored the vital roles of national human rights institutions, anti-corruption bodies, and independent media in sustaining democracy and social trust.

Abdi Jibril (PhD), commissioner for Civil, Political, and Socio-Economic Rights at the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC), highlighted the difficulties of maintaining independence in the current political climate.

“Despite being impartial institutions established to promote and protect human rights, national commissions face criticism from both government supporters and opposition groups,” he said.

According to Abdi, a lack of awareness among executive and judicial branches about the nature and role of national human rights commissions remains a major challenge.

He emphasized that investigating and reporting on violations is not about criticizing specific actors but fulfilling a core mandate. Remaining silent would undermine public trust and institutional independence, according to the commissioner.

“It is not in our nature to align with either government or opposition. We are attacked from both sides, but impartiality is our value,” said Abdi.

He stressed compliance with the Paris Principles, which require independence and impartiality for national human rights institutions, and noted that seeking approval or praise from political actors would compromise their credibility.

Eden Taye Tefera, representing the UN Human Rights Office for Eastern Africa, reinforced these concerns.

She told the gathering that governments repeatedly fail to recognize human rights violations as risk factors for conflict, instead viewing them as attempts to delegitimize authority.

“Serious violations, if not addressed, can lead to violence and instability,” Eden said.

She emphasized the need to acknowledge the specific dynamics of conflicts including causes, impacts, and vulnerabilities of affected communities to avoid overgeneralization and ensure recommendations are relevant and actionable.

“We must foster constructive dialogue and reconciliation rather than inflame emotions or polarize stakeholders.”

A representative from Somalia’s anti-corruption agency also urged the use of factual, neutral language to promote understanding and safeguard institutional independence.

“We all need to exercise good governance principles and overcome challenges of human right violation through exercise of care and precautionary measures for public safety and security,” he said.

Abebe Muluneh, director of IGAD’s Peace and Security division, underscored the broader significance: “Strengthening democratic institutions is essential for ensuring peace and security. They promote good governance, accountability, and the rule of law key pillars that prevent conflict and build resilient societies.”

He stated that building resilient democratic institutions is not merely a political exercise but a peacebuilding strategy anchoring stability across the region.

The forum comes as international observers and watchdogs warn that Ethiopia’s civic space is growing increasingly narrow.

Lensa Biyane, a lawyer and human rights advocate, observes that repression today is no longer limited to openly changing laws or arresting activists and rights groups, but is carried out through digital surveillance and new government tactics.

These include selectively amending specific repressive laws instead of reforming the entire legal framework, thereby coercing civil society organizations.

She notes that many activists are forced into exile due to their bold public stance. Lensa recommends that civil society organizations also adopt tactical approaches, as governments continuously shift their methods of engagement.

She further pushed for CSOs and rights groups to develop challenging mechanisms to resist these pressures.

“We are sitting and talking here while many more journalists and civil society organizations are being exiled or arrested,” said Lensa.

The organization, which operates through four main regional offices, also conducts research to complement the building of more inclusive political settlements across the continent. Among the issues that researchers and experts at GGA are looking to tackle are environmental degradation, climate change, and mass youth unemployment.

A week ago, the think tank hosted its second annual lecture on the premises of the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa under the theme ‘Empowering the Youth for a Prosperous Africa.’

Among those in attendance was Zerihun Mohammed (PhD), executive director of GGA’s Eastern Africa Regional Office.

Zerihun is an experienced researcher who has spent more than three decades working at various academic, governmental, and non-governmental organizations in addition to earning a postgraduate degree in human geography from the University of Cambridge.

The Reporter’s Sisay Sahlu sat down with Zerihun to explore the broader issues of governance and youth across Ethiopia and the continent. EXCERPTS:

The Reporter: What can you tell us about the event that went on inside the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa?

Zerihun Mohammed (PhD): Good Governance Africa has a tradition of organizing an annual event on important continental issues. We started this last year in the South Africa regional office in Johannesburg. It was about fighting corruption.

The second annual lecture was held here in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The theme was empowering the youth for a prosperous Africa. The annual lecture is a flagship program in which politicians, policymakers, practitioners, academicians, media, and all stakeholders come together and deliberate on these burning issues. 

The main objective is to bring these issues to the forefront among the public and make them a point of discussion, to bring about policy changes. It was on this basis that we were honored to host the lecture here in Addis Ababa in collaboration with the African Union Commission and the Ministry of Women and Social Affairs. We had two keynote speakers followed by a panel discussion.

Do you believe this issue, especially critical in a continent with such a young population, is given the attention it deserves from government officials and political leaders?

The issue of the youth is a very important issue, not only in Ethiopia or in Africa, but globally it’s a major challenge. As we always say, if we are talking about development, it is about youth; if we talk about peace and security, again it’s about the youth. If we talk about any agenda, development agenda, we can’t talk about it without taking the youth into consideration.

As you said, Africa has the biggest youth population. The youth constitutes the majority. The same is true for our country. In Ethiopia, statistics show that about 70 percent of the population are under the age of 35, and more than 30 percent between the ages of 15 and 35.

This is a very good asset for development; capable. But to spur this strong development agent into action, there are policy measures that need to be taken.

Currently, particularly in many African countries, the youth are involved in many issues. They are behind many changes. If you take Ethiopia, for example, it has always been the youth behind the social changes starting in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s.

For example, ‘Land for the Tiller,’ the student movement, and even the movement that brought about the new political order in recent years was led by the youth.

But at the same time, there are contradictory views about the youth.

On the one hand, there is a view of the youth as victims of the current social order in which they are not given quality education or provided job opportunities, not given better social services and so on. There is a tendency to look at the youth as victims.

On the other hand, there are some that see the youth as the opposite, as people who are not doing well, not trying to achieve the best, but trying to look for shortcuts. Both of these have some element of truth. But we need to look at the reality on the ground and form appropriate policies to make the youth more productive and enable them to help themselves as well as contribute to development.

It’s on this basis that we organized [this year’s lecture] with the theme empowering the youth for a prosperous Africa. We believe that all actors, including governments, will take it seriously.

The major objective of the public lecture itself is to bring the topic to the forefront, so that people can consider it in their policies, in their discussions, in their economic planning, and in their political discourse. We believe that governments will take us seriously because it’s not an option.

You can’t ignore the issue of the youth in a country where you have one third of the population between the age bracket of 15 and 35.

There is a need to provide them better education so that they will be productive. There is a need to provide better social services so that they will be healthy, that will reduce the resources we spend on health services, on other infrastructure and so on. We strongly believe that governments will take the issue seriously.

A glaring contradiction in Africa is that most of its people are young, while its political leaders are often much older, in some cases so old that there are serious doubts about their competency. Why do you think this is?

This brings us to the intergenerational dialogue; the relationship between generations. Leadership needs experience, leadership needs education. The youth who need to come to the leadership level at different levels also need quality education and experience. 

The issue is again about providing opportunities. The older generation shouldn’t shut the door to the new generation. There has to be discourse between the two generations and a sharing of experience, and paving the way for them to come to the leadership and so on. It is then that we will avoid the discontent of the youth, what we are seeing nowadays in many African countries.

At the same time, the youth needs to be responsible enough to assume leadership. They need to be serious about good governance. They need to have good values. They need to have good sentiment towards development. Then other sections of the society will have confidence in the youth to assume leadership.

However, we need to remember that the youth is a very large group of people grouped together only by age. But in spite of being one unit in terms of age group, there are differences in political outlook, experience, educational background, exposure and so on.

We need to take this into consideration when we talk about the youth. One very simple example is, in Ethiopia, the youth in rural and urban areas.

The youth in urban areas have relatively more exposure and access to various types of infrastructure. Because of our level of development, that access is limited for youth in rural areas despite all the efforts of the past decades.

This means we can’t have similar policies for youth development in rural areas and urban areas. Our policies need to take all these differences into consideration.

Do you think African leaders would be comfortable with making way for the younger generation?

The boundary between the old and the new is very grey. Where the old stops and the new starts is always very grey. But, take a family for example. The father may have a business he has been running for decades and he may have children; sons and daughters. How will he hand that business over to them? The first thing is the issue of confidence. We need to have confidence. 

The older generation needs to have confidence in the ability, capability, the intention, and the moral values of the youth to execute that role, to assume power.

That’s the thing. To have this confidence, again, the youth needs to be equipped with proper education and experience. That’s why we always say that education is very important.

We talk about education. But we equally need to talk about the quality of education. That is where we can shape the youth from early childhood to the universities and higher level institutions. Then if you prove to your parents, to your boss, to your elders, definitely you’ll assume power. We see that in many traditional institutions in Ethiopia.

They have their own system for elevating the youth to leadership. The Gada system is a good example. The Lua system in Sidama is another one.

Something is broken somewhere. That’s where we need to mend. In many cases, we are treating the symptoms of the problem rather than the root cause.

In Ethiopia, there is finger-pointing between the younger and older generations. The youth blame their elders for their perceived failures, and the elders blame the youth for what they see as failure to live up to expectations. What is your take on this issue?

It’s quite common. Our fathers used to blame us when we were young, and we are now blaming our children. There is always this kind of push-and-pull in the intergenerational relationship.

It’s an age-old issue. If you take rural areas, for example, regarding land in Ethiopia and other African countries, there is this intergenerational tension sometimes. When a son reaches a certain age, he often needs land. And the family needs his labour. So the son tries to take the land from the family, and the father—the family—wants to keep him for his labor.

There is always tension, but they always have a mechanism for settling these issues. As to the current issues, yes, the blame game starts when there is a problem. So first we need to look at the root causes of the problems. Is it a development issue? Is it unemployment? We should ask ourselves why it’s happening.

What are we providing the youth to blame them? We often say that the current generation is lazy, they don’t do this or they look for shortcuts to be rich. This has some element of truth, but at the same time, what opportunities have we given them? What examples did we set for them? What control mechanisms do we have to put them in line when they are out?

This all needs to be taken into consideration. But what you said is true. And also with development, urbanization or globalization, there is a tendency to erode traditional values. The youth probably consider themselves as something liberated, free, while the older generation will see them as lazy or disrespectful. But the root cause of the problem is the development issue.

Young people played a crucial role in transforming the Ethiopian political system in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s. Can we say the young generation of today is playing the same kind of political role?

Well, every generation needs to be judged within the socio-political setting it lives in. The generations you mentioned, the 1960s, 1970s, played their own roles in transforming the country. We can’t judge that generation within the context of this generation. That generation, for example, played a crucial role in transforming Ethiopia from an archaic feudal society into a modern state

It was the youth that was fighting for the peasants. It was the youth that was fighting for the freedom of the majority of the lower-class people. Did they make mistakes? Maybe, yes. Some of the things were not in their hands, but it was the youth that were on different and opposing sides at the same time during that period.

When the current government ascended to power the Qero, Fano and other youth movements mobilized themselves and many people said ‘oh, the old generation is coming back.’

It is the context that shapes how the youth reacts to certain social, economic and political problems.

The same is happening in many African countries right now; Madagascar, Tanzania, and Kenya in relation with the recent elections.

So it’s very difficult to judge, but there is something broken in the societies that brought this young generation to the streets to fight. 

That is where we need to focus. That’s where we need to have dialogue. That’s where we need to have conversation to solve the problems before reaching that violent stage.

More and more youth are choosing to migrate in search of a better life, while others are joining armed groups. What are the reasons behind this? How can we correct it?

Migration is an age-old issue, but it has a new context. That’s why it has become a problem. Why people are migrating is a very simple issue. There must be something that is lacking here, or there must be something attractive out there. Migration needs to be seen not only from local perspectives, but also through the lens of the South-North relationship within the global context; globalization and what’s been happening in the last 20, 30, or 40 years.

There is an accumulation of wealth in the hands of a few. It’s natural if someone thinks, ‘oh, there is a greener pasture somewhere out there, and it will be better for me to go there.’

But on top of that, we have to do our own homework, which we don’t yet do economically, politically, and socially. Those are additional factors that push the youth to look outside. In recent decades in Ethiopia, it is largely economic factors that have been the major driving force behind migration.

How can we bring the younger generation to the center of political dialogue, especially at a time when the youth is alienating itself from the center and opting to be part of the periphery?

It’s difficult to conclude boldly in that way. The youth are still involved in many of the issues. As we said, 30 percent of the country’s population is between the age of 15 and 35.

But if your question is how we can expand political dialogue to include the youth, this is where we probably need to do more work. In fact, this does not apply to the youth only. There needs to be more inclusion, more diverse opinions. We need to listen to one another and further learn how to give and take in political dialogue.

There are some initiatives taken here and there. The national dialogue can be taken as one good initiative. Despite all the limitations, I think it’s a very good step forward. If we want to develop this country, if we want to develop as a continent, we don’t have any option except to sit down around a table and discuss and accommodate our differences and look for a way forward.

International experience tells us civil society organizations like Good Governance Africa play a major role in creating a democratic society. How do you see CSOs in Ethiopia in this regard?

Civil society plays a significant role in shaping the discourse of countries in all parts of the globe. Likewise in Ethiopia, civil societies play a significant role in many areas, both in development as well as in generating and disseminating ideas. But on the other hand, civil society in Ethiopia is in its infant stage. Most civil societies in Ethiopia are not even 50 years old, and many appeared following the political transition of 1991. So we can’t say that we have long experience. We need to learn from others. In spite of that limited lifespan, civil societies still play significant roles.

The discussion, as I mentioned earlier, needs to be based on knowledge, based on facts. That’s how we can have an informed debate. Civil societies, along with academic institutions, can play a significant role.

International aid and financial grants are dwindling globally, and the effects are also being felt in Ethiopia. How do you see the impact on civil society organizations?

Funding for civil society is going down significantly worldwide. This is related to what’s happening in the northern half of the globe. 

The traditional donors that used to support civil societies in the global south have their own problems and their own priorities. Because of this, funding for civil societies is falling and many civil societies in the global south are struggling. On top of that, there are changes in political outlook in the global north, like in the US.

USAID is a very good example. We know a lot of programs have been disrupted in many African countries because of the Trump administration’s decision to close down USAID. So this is not just a problem here, but part of the global challenge. We are working in this tight environment.

What is your take on the reforms being undertaken by the Ethiopian government, and the impact of these reforms?

We have to look at the bigger picture. What does Ethiopian society look like? We were a feudal society just half a century ago. We’re new. The democratic process takes time. Culturally, we’re not used to that.

Having said this, the democratic initiatives that started recently are very good. 

We are trying to support them, but it’s not something that starts somewhere and finishes in a given timeframe. It’s a process in which you learn, do it again, and learn from what you have done. You may make mistakes in the process. Again, you learn and continue. The function of democratic institutions needs to be seen in the context of the wider political landscapes I mentioned earlier.

Civil society organizations can play specific roles in two major areas. One is filling gaps. These are, as I said, new traditions. An example is the ombudsman, which is a very new institution in our country but has long been established in others. But, even the concept of the ombudsman has to take root deep inside us, and so it takes time. Civil societies can play a significant role in highlighting the experience of other countries, filling in the gaps, and spotlighting things that may not be visible to these institutions as civil societies are working at the grassroots levels. But for all this we need to have a political will.

There is heated debate about Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism and whether it is really a critical factor for the political issues we see today. Do you see it that way?

It is the million dollar question that has been around for at least half a century. And there are some political groups, including TPLF, that believe that the fundamental problem of Ethiopia is the question of nations, nationalities, and people. And there are some other political parties that say, no, that’s not a fundamental problem.

The fundamental problem lies somewhere else; probably because of a lack of dialogue. We took one part and carried it through from the 1990s up until the recent political change. So we know that imposing that on the people in the country brought us to where we are now. The lesson should be not to repeat it.

Whether the question of nation, nationalities and people is a fundamental question or not, needs to be deliberated. That’s why we see this topic coming up as one of the top issues in the national dialogue. If you’re asking me my personal opinion, I may have a different view. Ethnicity is a very good thing. It is something that was there, is still here, and continues to live. But should ethnic identity be the only means of political organization? I doubt that.

We are paying a high price for this. So how can we create a new arrangement without compromising ethnic identity? That needs to be worked out. We need to open our eyes to other options. A complete embracing of that idea or a complete rejection won’t take us anywhere.

Imposition brought us here. Complete rejection will take us to the other end and another round of crisis. This is an area where we need to think seriously and I strongly believe that in the new national dialogue this will be very well deliberated. So, yes, it’s a very serious issue, but we can’t place all the blame on our ethnic-based political system for all the crises.

To mobilize resources and align efforts toward powering Africa, these leading financial institutions are working alongside key partners such as The Rockefeller Foundation, the Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet (GEAPP), Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL), and the World Bank’s Energy Sector Management Assistance Program (ESMAP) trust fund.

Enas Abdella Abdulmalik serves as the country lead for Ethiopia at GEAPP. The Reporter’s Sisay Sahlu sat down with Enas to find out more about the massive undertaking that is Mission 300. With more than two decades of experience in strategy, finance, and sustainable development, Enas plays a pivotal role in advancing GEAPP’s mission to tackle energy poverty and climate change through innovative clean energy solutions tailored to local needs. Read more about what she had to say.

The Reporter: Could you briefly introduce yourself and Mission 300?

I am the country lead for the Global Energy Alliance for People and Planet, which is a philanthropic organization that was started a few years back by the Rockefeller Foundation, IKEA Foundation and Bezos Earth Fund. It has three pillars: energy access or transition, job creation and enabling livelihoods, and carbon removal. So they got together and formed this new entity called GEAPP for short, the Global Energy Alliance, to further this mission.

Mission 300 is an initiative that brings together two large multilateral development banks, the African Development Bank and the World Bank, to accelerate and provide energy access for 300 million Africans by 2030. This is an initiative that started last year.

How do you plan to implement this initiative? Do you believe the target of reaching 300 million people by 2030 is truly feasible?

That’s a very good question. Some of the access numbers are going to come from existing programs that the World Bank and African Development Bank are actually already doing, but some are going to be new.

Is it feasible? We’re going to try. The good thing about this sort of initiative is that the two banks came together and agreed on a path forward to actually accelerate this sort of initiative. So is it feasible? I mean, unless you try, you won’t know, right? But really, our strategy is designed to empower nations.

We have the political leadership from the top down to actually implement this. In January 2025, there was something called the Tanzanian meeting on energy access where over nearly 30 heads of state came together and agreed to the Mission 300 initiative and to drive it from the top down.

So at least we have the buy-in from the top-down and then we can actually push it through as well.

What mechanisms are you using to achieve this goal? Are you directly engaging in implementation, or are you primarily supporting governments in building the systems themselves?

We support governments. We support the integration of essentially locally led approaches into the broader climate finance agenda. There are currently 27 national energy compacts in progress. Twelve have been signed and 15 are underway, which structure and promote country-specific energy efforts. For example, in Ethiopia, which is where I work as well, the compacts, which is the document that actually says that we’re going to try to do X and Y, is in the process of drafting and ready to be signed hopefully in the next month or so. Once these compacts are signed, we, as GEAPP, are creating what we call CDMUs, or Compact Delivery Monitoring Units.

This will look different in every country where we can actually deliver and monitor, essentially like a delivery unit of these compacts across the board. It essentially aims to strengthen delivery capacity, improve stakeholder coordination, and integrate development goals such as job creation into the energy projects. GEAPP also is working on an initiative called Productive Africa, which looks at the development side of the access story.

For example, if you avail energy access to a community that has never had power, they will use it to charge their mobile phones or one lamp. But what we’re hoping to do is actually accelerate additional uses or the productive use of energy, which also has really large broader economic development for our communities.

One issue often raised in Sub-Saharan African nations, including Ethiopia, is the level of political commitment to climate action. How are you addressing this challenge?

That’s a great question. And that’s why I mentioned what took place earlier this year in Tanzania. It’s called the Dar es Salaam Energy Declaration. It happened just this January where 30 heads of state all signed on to the Mission 300 initiative.

So there is political commitment. There is willingness. Now we just have to push it through.

This year marks COP30. Over the past three decades, we’ve seen agreement after agreement and initiative after initiative on climate action. What gives you confidence that this particular initiative will be fulfilled?

Well, this is African. COP constitutes the broader goals; Mission 300 is purely African. The initiative aims to electrify 300 million Africans. That’s half the number of people that don’t have power today. Six hundred million Africans don’t have power today.

This is a very audacious goal to reach by 2030. But there is political commitment. The aim is to actually accelerate the implementation and mobilize money, not only from DFIs and multilateral banks, but also bring together private sectors. There are agreements with the Trade and Development Bank (TDB) to mobilize and funnel through the private sector into energy generation. And that’s why it’s different. Never in history, at least on African soil, have the World Bank and African Development Bank worked together with this joint mission from their heads to actually push this agenda through.

Why are the IKEA Foundation, Bezos Earth Fund and Rockefeller Foundation involved if the initiative is purely African? 

I do not represent Rockefeller, IKEA Foundation, or Bezos Earth Fund. I’m from GEAPP, the Global Energy Alliance. So that’s a different entity.

But, for example, Rockefeller has been supporting energy access and transition programs across the world for many, many years. They’re providing technical assistance money to support the CDMUs across African countries where they could actually embed this. For example, in Malawi, it might be embedded within the presidential office. The unit will be embedded there to actually work with all the line ministries because energy, as you know, is just not energy usage. It touches agriculture. It touches irrigation. It touches many industries.

Whose initiative is this?

It’s an initiative by AfDB and the World Bank.

Is it not possible to work with an African philanthropic organization instead of going outside the continent?

You tell me, is there an African philanthropic organization?

If there is a strong determination to establish an Africa-led initiative, why not take the lead and act on it directly, rather than waiting for another round of philanthropy from the west or North America?

Mission 300 is driven by the World Bank and AfDB. AfDB is an African entity. Their partners are also African. For example, TDB is an African entity working in southern and eastern Africa. But there’s lots of African entities actually involved in this.

You can’t push the compacts across different countries without working with African entities. The technical support and assistance; some of them are actually coming from Rockefeller, Solar Cookers for All (Sc4all), and some support from others like JAP Africa as well. But I think different folks are actually keen to push it through. For example, we had a meeting earlier today around clean cooking. JAP Africa does not do clean cooking, but there’s a clean cooking alliance, which is Africa-based. That’s also part of Mission 300.

In international gatherings and summits, there is often concern about the persistent funding gap — a concern that has only grown since the United States withdrew from some international organizations. How will this affect institutions such as the World Bank and the African Development Bank? Do you believe they will still receive some level of funding from the US, one way or another?

I think that’s a question for the World Bank and African Development Bank.

Given that you are implementing something here, would it be unreasonable to assume that you have some idea?

So far, we do not.

Have you encountered any funding issues?

Not under Mission 300, no. I mean, part of Mission 300 is actually to mobilize money and catalyze money across the board from many different entities. If the Americans drop out, the Americans drop out.

There’s still a need for electrifying 300 million Africans in Sub-Saharan Africa.

What are the main challenges in achieving clean energy access across the African continent? Which key factors are holding back progress, and what specific issues does this initiative aim to address?

That’s very complicated. Africa is not one country. For example, in South Africa, access is not really an issue; its transition. They have non-renewable sources of energy and they have to transition over to renewables because of the climate change issue. In DRC and Nigeria, it’s a mix of both. They have people that don’t have access and people that do but are using diesel generators.

So it’s a mix. I don’t think you can paint the solution and the problem with just one liner. I can talk about Ethiopia, which is not the same as any other country. In Kenya, access is not an issue as well. There’s maybe optimal access. Do they have blackouts? Is it cheap? Is it affordable? All these other questions are there. And are they actually using appliances optimally? In Ethiopia, we have 50 to 60 million people without power.

Most of these people are smaller farmers in rural areas where the transmission line might go over their village but doesn’t come down to their houses. There are fundamental issues as to why this is. For example, the tariff rate is highly subsidized.

So both EEP [Ethiopian Electric Power] and EEU [Ethiopian Electric Utility] are operating at a loss. But farmers can’t afford to pay cost-effective tariffs. We in the city can’t afford to pay cost-effective tariffs.

There’s a mismatch there. They can’t pull down the lines because it’s very expensive to do so. So then they have to find sources of financing. And it takes a long time. What Ethiopia has done in the last five years is actually allowing private sector developers in off-grid areas to actually generate and sell energy—DRE or distributed renewable energy. Mini-grids are now a thing. And under EEU, they’re building 20 to 30 mini-grids under the World Bank program. We also have a program called DREAM that’s actually looking at doing that around Arba Minch, outside Hawassa, and in other southern cities.

But these are all mini grids, off grid. We’re hopeful that we can power centralized irrigation schemes for farmers that are actually in clusters, who then actually cost-subsidize their own homes and have very, very low subsidized rates for their homes. But for the actual productive use of energy, it’s actually a much higher rate.

Our directive allows that. It’s been five years, but no company has actually even fully tested it or been fully licensed. We’re hoping that our program might be the first one. We have developers coming into Ethiopia and actually investing as FDI into the space. Things are changing.

It’s highly complex. But fundamentally, the more energy you use, the more you earn money in terms of empowerment and broader economic development. It goes hand in hand. Really, energy is an enabler of the reduction of poverty. It’s a big factor and a big focus why our program, under Productive Africa, actually supports sort of the additional usage of energy and not just access.

As governments are often the largest investors in the sector, is there an enabling legal framework and enabling environment for private investment to engage in the energy sector?

Yeah, absolutely. I mean, I can speak about Ethiopia again. Our Ministry of Finance is trying to do large-scale, utility-scale PPPs or IPPs with private investors in geothermal and solar plants and wind. There are always MOUs signed with very large firms. But the feed-in tariff rate is always a big issue. For example, on the off-grid site we operate, we have an international mini-grid developer that’s keen to invest in the next month. The developer is in the process of registering or being licensed. It’s changing slowly but the regulation is there and it allows private sector investment. But it’s also difficult. There’s a lot of processes. It’s new to the country. It’s new to the investors. So we have to walk that path before we actually provide feedback to improve it.

Is it open to all investors?

In off-grid, it is. The law allows for off-grid developers. There’s a directive that permits the generation and selling of energy to off-grid customers. But nobody has fully tested it out. So we’re testing it out. For utility, large-scale, you can sign PPPs like the Ministry of Finance. But if it’s small-scale and off-grid, it’s possible.

There is a significant data challenge here in Ethiopia, where many have to rely on international institutions like the UN for up-to-date information. Does this pose a challenge to you? In reality, how many people actually have access to electricity?

For example, the Ministry of Water and Energy has a lot of data but it’s a tricky question. I think the answer is that it depends. When was the last time a census was conducted in Ethiopia? Like 15, 18 years ago. So yes, data accuracy is a big question. You’re right.

Has this been a problem for you?

Once you make your presumptions, then you have to go to the sites and actually do actual physical ground-truthing. For example, if you presume that this area doesn’t have power because the median voltage line is here, but nobody’s giving you information, you have to pay money and go fly there or drive there to actually confirm that what you think on paper is true is actually true. Ground-truthing is a big part of the work that developers do on the ground. 

Climate change is a major issue today, especially among millennials and Gen Z. We see protests in the west and even across Africa, as young people demand action. Yet some leaders, such as President Trump, appear indifferent to the issue. Climate change has become a global agenda item. How do you see the relationship between climate change and renewable energy?

Well, the good thing is that we’re on a different continent. We’re in Africa, so we’re not in America. But, you know, it’s funny, I had a meeting earlier today with members of parliament that are part of the climate parliamentary working group in their own countries—Uganda, Botswana, and several others—and climate is a big part of the conversation. In Uganda, you cannot start new work before receiving a certificate of climate compliance. Climate agendas are embedded into parliaments and members of parliament today.

Can we say there is an equal understanding of climate issues and their impact?

I don’t think anybody can say that, because my understanding is probably even very different from yours.

How do you see climate injustice as an African?

It’s an injustice. Like you said, it’s an injustice.

How do we correct this injustice?

Our Prime Minister said it during the opening session. He said that we have had the least impact, well, if you remove South Africa, and we’re the most impacted. Even during my earlier meeting with members of parliament from Botswana, they said that villages are aware that if they don’t make this an agenda, they’re going to be impacted. There are floods. There are droughts where historically it was not part of their life. But now it is. I think a sort of grassroots movement is also happening within the African continent.

Whenever there are climate-related meetings, the central issue is often financing. Developed countries usually promise and pledge billions of dollars, but in practice, the funds are not delivered. How can developing nations address this challenge?

That’s why programs like Mission 300 are critical because it coalesces everybody and actually drives an agenda forward to ensure that people are moving forward from the high levels, say in D.C., heads of state and all the way down. That’s why it’s really, really important that we all support initiatives like this.

What about financing from domestic entities and investors?

A big part of Mission 300 is engaging the private sector. Private sector developers, implementers, financiers, all of that is part and parcel. Even a small country like Malawi requires billions of dollars.

How’s it going to happen? You have to get everybody involved. A bigger country like Ethiopia needs tens of billions of dollars. So, you have to get everybody involved. It’s not a grant thing. It’s not just money being given away. It’s mobilizing everyone toward the same goal and moving it forward and with the highest levels of commitment.

In a strongly worded letter dated September 9, 2025, Ethiopia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Gedion Timothewos (PhD), cheered the GERD’s inauguration as a “generational aspiration fulfilled,” while firmly rejecting Egypt’s accusations of unilateralism and threats to regional stability.

His letter, submitted in direct response to Egypt’s plea to the UNSC, counters Cairo’s claim that the dam’s operationalization violates international law and endangers Egypt’s water security.

Egypt, in its own letter to the UNSC on the same day, stated: “Ethiopia’s purported inauguration of GERD constitutes yet another breach of Ethiopia’s obligations under both customary and conventional international law.”

It further argued that the dam’s completion, achieved through “unilateral actions and fait accompli,” does not render it lawful nor legitimize future unilateral actions by Ethiopia on the Blue Nile.

Ethiopia’s response emphasized: “This joyous occasion marks the determination of the people of Ethiopia to use the River Abbay to attain development and prosperity.” The letter also highlighted the presence of African heads of state and regional organizations at the inauguration, underscoring broad continental support.

The letter reaffirmed Ethiopia’s commitment to the 2015 Declaration of Principles and detailed its exhaustive negotiation efforts with Egypt and Sudan. It accused Egypt of obstructing dialogue and refusing to ratify the Nile Basin Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA), which entered into force in October 2024 and enshrines equitable and reasonable utilization of transboundary watercourses.

Ethiopia criticized Egypt’s invocation of “historic rights” and its claim that riparian countries cannot use the Nile due to Egypt’s arid climate. Minister Gedion called this position “baseless and counterproductive,” urging Egypt to invest in groundwater development, desalination, and sustainable water management.

In one of the letter’s most pointed remarks, Gedion stated: “Egypt’s contempt for the dignity of sub-Saharan African countries, including Ethiopia, is rooted in a view that privileges certain categories of people over others and has no place in the twenty-first century.”

Egypt’s letter also referenced a non-binding advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice (ICJ), but Ethiopia questioned its relevance and legal weight. Ethiopia framed the GERD as a symbol of African self-reliance and climate-friendly development, expressing hope that it would inspire similar projects across the continent. It further warned that Egypt’s “hostile posture” and destabilizing activities in the Horn of Africa are well documented.

As this latest exchange marks a new phase in the decade-long GERD dispute—with Ethiopia asserting regional leadership and Egypt doubling down on its claims of existential threat—Minister Gedion concluded by stating that Egypt’s water use and projects have “no bearing whatsoever” on Ethiopia’s legitimate and equitable use of the Nile.

At the center of these efforts was Mukhtar Babayev, COP29 president and Special Representative of the President of Azerbaijan for Climate Issues, whose supervision of the process has been defined by a focus on unity, ambition, and practical implementation.

In the lead-up to COP30 set to take place in Brazil, Babayev visited Addis Ababa to participate in the Second African Climate Summit. He underscored the importance of Africa’s role in the climate conversation, both as a region disproportionately affected by climate impacts and as a continent with vast potential for clean energy transformation. In his engagements, he urged nations to accelerate investment in climate solutions, strengthen multilateral cooperation, and ensure that promises made in previous summits translate into tangible action.

With a career rooted in environmental stewardship and a clear vision for collaborative action during his August 2025 visit, Babayev sat down with The Reporter’s Sisay Sahlu and discussed the state of global climate negotiations. The conversation explored the progress achieved since COP29, the pressing challenges that remain, and the strategic priorities shaping the road to COP30. From climate finance to the role of the private sector, Babayev offered open insights into the opportunities and obstacles facing the international community. EXCERPTS:

The Reporter: Brazil is preparing to host COP30. The UN climate summit has been taking place annually for three decades. What has been achieved in that time? Climate financing remains a key unresolved issue. What is your take on this?

Mukhtar Babayev: When we speak about climate change and what the impact of climate change is for the developing world, to the African continent, and how we can manage it, we can at least to do our best from the COP presidency’s point of view to assist the developing world in the fight against climate change. We’ve made a lot of changes in our understanding of how to move in the year since COP29 because there are a lot of geopolitical changes now in the world.

And from the beginning, the previous COPs adopted a lot of very important decisions for climate change, especially on how people need to fight climate change and how countries need to support this multilateral process because it is so important now to support multilateral approaches. Unfortunately, new challenges in the world have caused a little turbulence in this understanding. For us, it’s very important to have all countries on board, all countries to be together to continue the climate agenda.

A lot of big and very positive decisions were made during previous COPs, but unfortunately, the performance or how we perform these obligations, how we perform these decisions is a big question. Unfortunately, if we go to history and look at how many decisions were adopted and how they were implemented, we will see, unfortunately, a not-so-attractive picture. Most of the decisions were not performed or not implemented, not completed, and it is another very important period for us to hold on and to call the countries to perform these obligations, to prevent any regression.

It is so important now to be here, to be in Addis, to be in Africa, which has less emissions than other parts of the world, but also big potential. We need to think about how to transition or to move this potential to have more access for electricity, more development, more prosperity, and at the same time to unite the continent and the countries around the clean energy and possible green ideas on the continent. That’s why we are here in Addis, so that we can discuss with our partners about what we can do together.

Recently, many have expressed concern over the actions of the developed world, particularly regarding the delivery of their financial pledges. At the same time, multilateralism appears to be under pressure and is failing to resolve global issues as effectively hoped. This has become especially evident since President Trump came to power, when the dynamics seemed to shift. How is this situation affecting the fight against climate change?

I don’t want to think that the multilateral process is failing, but I think it is under huge pressure. You are right. [There has been] a lot of turbulence after the different approaches from the different countries, especially, as you mentioned, the United States position regarding the withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and possible other geopolitical factors. Yes, we are under a lot of pressure. And this pressure is not only that the countries cannot agree regarding very tangible and very important targets. But now we are talking about climate finance, about how to finance green energy, how to finance development on the continent, but we need big financial resources for that. The situation has changed a little bit from last year and previous years.

If you see that, if you look at the picture of the financial resources scheme or possible increasing or restructuring, we see that today the world is paying more for military; for defense. NATO countries have decided to increase financial investment in the military, for defense, to five percent of GDP. It is billions of dollars.

Last year, we decided in Baku to contribute annually 300 billion dollars for development from donors. This is now under big pressure and the performance is under big pressure, because countries, especially donor countries, need to decide how to accumulate this money and correctly allocate for the strategic targets.

In our understanding, COP29’s position is to prevent possible regression from the decisions made in Baku last year. And unfortunately we understand there is only one pocket. If countries decide to allocate more towards defense issues, it means that climate finance is possibly under pressure.

And it’s risky for non-performance of the obligations made in Baku. That’s why now, together with the COP30 team, we are working very closely to talk with the donor countries, to international financial institutions, Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs), to the private sector, to be ambitious, to be strong in the decisions made in 2024.

The issue of climate change has been at the center of global discussion, perhaps more than any other topic. Yet countries and political leaders continue to prioritize building strong defenses and allocating huge budgets to military spending, despite the equally urgent crisis of worsening climate impacts. We are witnessing severe drought in the Horn of Africa, devastating floods in Pakistan, India, the United States, and many other nations, wildfires in North America and Europe, and increasingly hotter, drier seasons with rising temperatures worldwide. Can we truly say the world is as concerned about climate change as it is about defense and military preparedness, and that it is investing in climate action at the same scale? Why are countries failing to meet their climate commitments? Is the reason primarily political, economic, or both?

No, I think a lot of geopolitical factors now play an important role. And more and more conflicts, more and more wars on the planet. If you compare the last years, you will see that this year is a peak of conflicts, peak of wars.

And on one hand, we understand that the country is trying to protect themselves from these risks, geopolitical risks, from the wars, from the conflicts. But at the same time, the climate change issues, climate change impacts are growing more and more important and more and more risks are coming to the map. And it is so important for us, in this position, to have all the countries be more ambitious and confirm the ambitions demonstrated in past years.

We have very good results from the previous COPs, especially regarding energy transition, energy efficiency, alternative energy sources, and climate finance, Article 6, the decision made in Baku, carbon market and others.

We have a lot of things, a lot of decisions made. Now is the time for implementation.

What actions are needed?

It is time to act now. And as I mentioned, from previous COPs, a lot of decisions were made. This year is the year of implementation. And we need to think about how to build this strategy of performance, strategy of implementation. And each country needs to perform their obligations. When we are talking about multilateralism, sometimes we misunderstand what each country needs to do. Together we can move. Each country has its own role. And now it is very important that each country needs to understand what they need to do, at least to contribute to the whole process.

The United States has been a major international financier in the fight against climate change. However, under the leadership of President Donald Trump, the US withdrew from the Paris Agreement. What has been the impact of this decision, and how do you evaluate its overall effect?

Now we are working together with our Brazilian friends, hosting COP30. We have started to work on the Baku-Belém roadmap to increase climate finance to 1.3 trillion dollars a year by 2035. We need to build this roadmap and to build this picture of how the contributors will participate, how to invite more and more actors to the climate finance process. And in this case, we are looking not only at public sources from donor countries, but also expectations from the private sector.

And here, you are absolutely right that the US is a big country, a big emitter [of greenhouse gases], and at the same time a big source of financing. We need to consider other sources. We need to think about what will happen if the US withdraws; the system will stop.

We need to think about the other resources we can invite to the process of finance. And in this case, the private sector is a main source of possible financial resources.

Apart from external financing sources, how are domestic financial resources being mobilized in the developing world both at the government level and within the private sector?

During the forum here in Addis Ababa, we discussed this issue with the different ministers. A lot of regional programs could be developed and performed in Africa. I think it is a very good chance for the continent to perform the regional projects, not only country by country, but separately.

Potentially, it will provide more efficiency, something like synergy. An investment of one dollar will be more efficient. It is a very good time to cooperate on the basis of good projects. But international support is very important in this case, from the capacity-building point of view, and economic, expert, and financial support. It is not possible to consider all these processes separately. We need to think about how to make it into one process for maximum efficiency.

How are climate experts and leaders like you working with multinational companies and industries, particularly those responsible for the largest share of global greenhouse gas emissions, to push for change and foster cooperation?

We have had chances to meet with hundreds of partners, hundreds of companies from all over the world during our [Azerbaijan’s] term of presidency. We have very good partners from the private sector. A lot of big companies have adopted the green policy and green strategy in their development programs for many, many years.

And they are very strong in their strategy to invest in the green transition to clean energy. They are very strong in their policy and they support a lot of processes started in previous years. And they possibly postpone some programs, but the strategy is the same to develop the green programs, green technologies, clean energy and other green transition issues.

Regarding the three essential strategies for addressing the impacts of climate change: mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage, how is the African continent responding?

African countries are very vulnerable, and we have witnessed a lot of disasters, a lot of climate change impacts on the continent. It is very important to assist the countries to reconstruct, to rehabilitate, to at least to finance or to compensate part of the expenses coming from the climate change impacts and disasters. A loss and damage fund was created in 2022 in Sharm el-Sheikh and now in Baku we have already adopted necessity regulations. All programs have been confirmed by the communities, and this fund is already operationalized.

Yesterday, I met with the executive director of the fund and we discussed how to implement the projects and requests coming from different countries. They have built very good contact with the possible recipients, and they will start to consider this financial support to the countries. I think this work will be very transparent. I understand that the money is not enough. There we need to call on all possible partners, all possible donors to increase their contributions to the loss and damage fund.

Because huge damages are coming from climate change now and already the accumulated financial resources in the fund are not enough to compensate even a little part of this damage. That’s why we need to work with the possible countries, partners, and private sector and all possible other sources to increase our financial resources in loss and damage.

Ethiopia recently hosted the Second African Climate Summit. What is your view on Ethiopia’s role in advancing solutions to the climate crisis?

We are here for the second African climate summit. During each visit, we see real changes in the region. And Ethiopia is a leader in the continent on climate issues, in clean energy transition, and clean energy programs. I think Ethiopia, Kenya and other countries are leaders in their respective regions. That’s why we hope that this second climate forum in Addis will play a big role in consolidating these activities around Ethiopia and other countries.

Ethiopian government officials have expressed interest in hosting one of the upcoming COP meetings. What is your position on this, and how would you support Ethiopia’s bid?

Ethiopia is the candidate for COP 32. I think Ethiopia has very good chances to be the host country for COP32, but the continent will decide. But I think in the face of Ethiopia, today the African continent, has a very good leader in the fight against climate change.

What kind of support can be expected from you?

We have worked a lot with the Ethiopian government, NGOs, and the private sector, and  we can use our experience in this process to at least cooperate and support the Ethiopian teams to do it.

On the journey toward transitioning to renewable energy, how do you assess the progress in Africa as a whole, and in Ethiopia in particular? How is this transition unfolding?

There is big potential in Ethiopia in energy projects, and during the forum a lot of information was delivered to the community regarding the new renewable, new alternative renewable energy sources development in the region and especially in Ethiopia. Ethiopia is a source of energy for itself and for other countries also. That’s why today Ethiopia is playing a bigger role in the region as a leader in clean energy and possible green projects on the continent.

AS Climate Finance Vulnerability Index (CliF-VI) has placed Ethiopia in the “Red Zone”, a designation for countries in greatest need of climate adaptation finance.

The report conducted by Columbia University and The Rockefeller Foundation evaluates 188 countries based on their climate risk and financial vulnerability.

Accordingly, Ethiopia ranks 133rd, while neighboring countries such as Eritrea (187th), Sudan (179th), and South Sudan (174th) are ranked among the most climate-vulnerable.

CliF-VI offers a comprehensive framework designed to guide and optimize the allocation of climate finance. It urges policymakers and global institutions to align funding with vulnerability scores to ensure that countries in the Red receive the support they urgently need.

According to the report, Ethiopia faces numerous climate-related hazards that strain its disaster management systems and heighten its vulnerability. Given these risks, it is logical and necessary for Ethiopia to receive a greater share of adaptation financing.

However, the broader challenge remains: the current flow of climate finance toward Ethiopia and other emerging and developing economies (EMDEs) is insufficient and must be significantly increased.

Debt-for-climate swaps are highlighted as a promising solution for heavily indebted countries like Ethiopia offering a way to ease fiscal pressures while investing in nature and climate resilience.

Eric Pelofsky, Vice President for Global Economic Recovery at The Rockefeller Foundation, emphasized the urgency: “The gap between development goals and the needed financing has never been larger. The CliF Vulnerability Index launches an important conversation about the data that should drive scarce resources to vulnerable countries that are facing immense challenges in accessing financing.”

The Vice President also said by using the CliF Vulnerability Index, donors and funders can prioritize support for countries that are potentially living one disaster away from crisis.”

In the report also indicated that governance played a pivotal role in the effective use of climate finance. While not directly included as a factor in the CliF-VI calculation, the platform does provide a governance score for each country. In Ethiopia’s case, its governance score falls in the penultimate quintile, suggesting that improving governance and institutional integrity would be critical to attracting greater climate funding.

Ethiopia is preparing to host the Second African Climate Summit in September 2025, aiming to accelerate climate financing and action across the continent, the summit expected to spotlight Ethiopia’s leadership and promote knowledge-sharing with neighboring countries.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has issued a stern warning to foreign nationals and residents with expired or invalid visas, warning that failure to comply with immigration laws carries serious legal consequences.

During a weekly press briefing, Ministry spokesperson Nebiyat Getachew (Amb.) declared the government would not tolerate unauthorized residency and stated that individuals who disregard visa requirements will be held accountable.

The Ministry also cautioned Ethiopian travelers heading to the United States to strictly adhere to visa conditions and avoid overstaying. Nebiyat emphasized the importance of verifying the authenticity of documents used for visa processing whether sourced from government or private entities.

In a related update, the US Embassy in Addis Ababa announced major revisions to its visa policy.

Effective July 8, 2025, the validity period for most nonimmigrant visas issued to Ethiopian citizens will be limited to three months and single entry only, marking a significant change in US visa regulations. This update is part of broader visa policy changes also affecting Cameroon, Ghana, and Nigeria.

Meanwhile, security concerns rise in Addis Ababa as the City Council reveals findings in its annual report accusing “refugees” residing in the capital of involvement in criminal activity.

City Police Commissioner Getu Argaw reported the crimes include counterfeiting US currency, homicide, robbery, and inciting public unrest. He stated that individuals stand accused of colluding with “destabilizing forces” to undermine city stability.

Addis Ababa Mayor Adanech Abiebie addressed the Council with a blunt message: “Respect for international refugee law does not mean compromising our national security. Refugees were given safe haven, but we will not allow that hospitality to be abused.”

She confirmed that foreign nationals without legal status have been apprehended in connection with terrorism plots and other criminal undertakings.

“We have opened our city to protect the vulnerable, not to endanger our peace,” she said.

Across Ethiopia’s sweeping highlands and arid lowlands, an ancient tradition continues to flourish: the use of stems, seeds, leaves, roots, and flowers to heal the body and protect the spirit.

For generations, communities—particularly those in remote or underserved areas—have relied on plant-based remedies where modern healthcare systems are limited or altogether absent. From household herbs to wild flora, traditional medicine remains an essential part of Ethiopian life.

Among the commonly used botanical treatments are lemon bush (known locally as Damakese), Acacia, Moringa (Shiferaw), Rue, Fennel (Ensilal), and Cinnamon. These herbs are believed to treat a wide range of ailments, including stomachaches, asthma, dysentery, malaria, headaches, skin conditions, and even spiritual afflictions like the evil eye.

The Ethiopian Public Health Institute has recognized dozens of such plants as having medicinal value. These include Agave sisalana (Alge Qacha), Abrus precatorius (locally called “dog’s tooth seed”), Ageratum (Ingudai), Aloe, and Albizia gummifera (Sendedo), all of which are widely used for disease prevention and traditional therapies.

Yet as demand grows, so too does the need for oversight.

Miresa Midaksa, a medical doctor and president of the Africa Food Safety and Health Service Professionals Cooperative, emphasized the importance of regulation. Since traditional medicine continues to play a significant role in Ethiopia’s health landscape, he says, “we must establish standardized dosages and proper regulatory frameworks to ensure it is safe and effective.”

Miresa also called for greater scrutiny of herbal treatments and dietary supplements imported from abroad. “We need to properly inspect these products to assess their safety and possible side effects,” he added.

In a world increasingly dominated by expensive pharmaceuticals and high-tech hospitals, a quiet yet powerful movement is taking root—one that looks to the past to move forward. Indonesia’s traditional herbal medicine industry is poised to make its mark in Ethiopia, the third African destination in its growing global journey.

From the island nation of Indonesia to the highlands of Ethiopia, one of Asia’s largest natural remedy producers, Sido Muncul—founded in 1951—has evolved from a humble home-based business into one of Southeast Asia’s most respected wellness brands. Company representatives spoke with The Reporter during their visit to Addis Ababa last week.

With a legacy spanning over seven decades, the company is best known for Tolak Angin, a widely consumed herbal supplement used to boost immunity and relieve cold symptoms. It has gained popularity not only across Indonesia but also in international markets including the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and parts of Europe.

Backed by nearly half a billion dollars in market value, Sido Muncul has already entered Nigeria and South Africa and now sets its sights on Ethiopia. According to Dr. Matthew Ika, International Business Development Manager, the company is recognized for preserving Indonesia’s herbal traditions. CNN honored Sido Muncul with a “Remarkable Preservation in Herbal Medicine Tradition” award for promoting the daily use of jamu—Indonesia’s indigenous herbal remedy.

Sido Muncul’s product line includes over 300 items addressing diverse health needs such as digestive wellness, diabetes management, improved sleep, headache and cough relief, and general immunity. The products stand out for their use of homegrown ingredients, sourced from partner farms to ensure quality, traceability, and sustainability.

Matthew says that forging strong partnerships is central to there strategy, as they look to partner with locals.

“Both Ethiopia and Indonesia are rich in biodiversity and cultural traditions,” he noted. “From the highlands of Sidama to the rainforests of Java, communities have long trusted the healing power of plants.”

While Ethiopia’s relationship with herbal medicine is deeply spiritual and reactive, Indonesia’s jamu culture emphasizes prevention. Encouraging daily use of herbal tonics and skincare could enrich Ethiopia’s public health and self-care practices.

“Our products offer comprehensive health solutions across all age groups—from maternity and childhood to adolescence, adulthood, and elderly care,” Matthew added. “We aim to introduce affordable herbal wellness to Ethiopian households.”

He claims encouraging preliminary discussions with Ethiopian officials, indicating interest in both importation and potential future local manufacturing operations.

In Indonesia, early symptoms are typically met with herbal remedies rather than hospital visits. This cost-effective practice may resonate in Ethiopia, where healthcare costs present barriers for many.

“Our organic products have passed clinical tests for safety and efficacy. I encourage Ethiopians to try them,” said Matthew. “Ingredients like ginger and garlic are already part of Ethiopian herbal traditions. That cultural familiarity gives us confidence our products will feel like a natural extension.”

He emphasized that the taste and aroma of their products suit Ethiopian preferences and believes they can significantly improve both health outcomes and household spending.

During their visit to Ethiopia, Sido Muncul’s international team met with Ethiopian business leaders, importers, and policymakers. The trip marks a major move in the company’s strategy to expand into markets where natural wellness aligns with cultural values.

In many Asian cultures, healing begins at home—with ginger tea, herbal poultices, or tonics passed down through generations. Sido Muncul hopes to share that philosophy with Ethiopian households, where traditional healing is already well respected.

Matthew sees Ethiopia as part of a broader movement: South–South collaboration in healthcare. As emerging economies seek to diversify their health systems and reduce dependence on Western pharmaceuticals, economically viable and culturally resonant alternatives become crucial.

“We respect Ethiopia’s traditional healers. There’s a strong cultural synergy between jamu and Ethiopian herbal practices,” said a representative from Sido Muncul’s international team. “Our goal isn’t to replace local traditions, but to complement them with science-backed, high-quality products.”

The company aims to spotlight Indonesia’s herbal and energy-boosting offerings as part of a global shift toward wellness-based living.

Furthermore, the initiative transcends mere awareness. Matthew indicates that Sido Muncul intends to establish accessible information and distribution networks, enabling Ethiopian consumers to directly experience their product offerings. The company will also closely monitor consumer interest as it evaluates subsequent strategic actions.

This initiative draws inspiration from established practices such as Traditional Chinese Medicine, Ayurveda, and Indonesian jamu, all of which emphasize healing through natural means.

A potential collaboration between Ethiopia and Sido Muncul could signify a transformative shift, integrating time-honored knowledge with contemporary advancements as Ethiopia seeks to fortify its healthcare infrastructure and provide accessible, cost-effective alternatives.

The company’s flagship herbal products include Tolak Angin for immunity, cold relief, and fatigue reduction; Kuku Bima Ener, a fruit-flavored energy drink with vitamins and ginseng; Natural Vitamin E Soft Caps for skin health and antioxidant protection; Libidione to enhance male vitality and stamina; Bilberry Carrot Capsules for eye health; Moringa Leaf Extract to regulate blood sugar and cholesterol; and Garlic Capsules to promote heart health and blood pressure management.

Matthew emphasized the importance of health, recognizing Sido Muncul’s established reputation for natural, organic herbal remedies, which are suitable for a broad consumer base. The company is exploring entry into the Ethiopian market, with plans to establish distribution channels and potentially a local production facility.