Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu publicly announced his country’s decision to recognize Somaliland as a sovereign state on Friday, marking a significant diplomatic development for the self-declared republic in the Horn of Africa.

The announcement was made during a telephone conversation between the Israeli Prime Minister and Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro), in which Netanyahu formally conveyed Israel’s recognition of Somaliland.

The Declaration by the State of Israel which is signed by PM Benjamin Netanyahu, reads “Israel respectfully acknowledges the formal appeal conveyed by Somaliland president, requesting recognition. In response this appeal and in light of the shared values, strategic interests and the spirit of mutual respect that binds the two nations, Israel officially recognizes the Republic of Somaliland as sovereign and independent state.”

Full diplomatic relations is declared between Israel and Somaliland, as per the statement, ‘to advance peace, stability, and prosperity in the Horn of Africa, the Middle East and beyond.”

Somaliland president Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillah (Irro) also issued official declaration, “warmly welcoming and deeply appreciating Israel’s recognition.” Further, Irro stated “Somaliland expresses its firm intention to accede to the Abraham Accord, to contribute meaningfully to peace and stability across the Middle East and Africa.”

In the conversation, he said his country officially recognized Somaliland and its right of self-determination.

“Our friendship is historic,” said Netanyahu. “The recognition would be a good opportunity for expanding our partnership and we intend to work with you in economic, agriculture, and social developments.”

The Israeli PM also invited the President of the Republic of Somaliland to Israel.

In a subsequent social media post, Netanyahu stated that the declaration is in the spirit of the Abraham Accords, signed at the initiative of US President Donald Trump.  

The Office of the President of the Republic of Somaliland has issued a statement declaring the move a “historic milestone in Somaliland’s prolonged quest for international legitimacy.” It asserted that the recognition reaffirms Somaliland’s historical, legal, and moral right to sovereign statehood.

The office further announced Somaliland’s firm intention to accede to the Abraham Accords.

“Somaliland reaffirms its commitment to building constructive partnerships, fostering mutual prosperity, and meaningfully contributing to peace and stability across the Middle East and Africa,” reads the statement.

Somaliland intends to establish full diplomatic relations with Israel, according to the statement.

Costantinos Berhutesfa (PhD), a seasoned economic and political analyst, believes Israel’s recognition of Somaliland could trigger a chain reaction, prompting other influential countries to follow suit, including Somaliland’s former colonial power, the United Kingdom.

He cited recent remarks by the British foreign minister, who stated that the United Kingdom should recognize Somaliland as an independent state, noting that such statements signal growing momentum among Western powers.

Costantinos said Israel’s decision was not taken in isolation.

“They are not alone in this decision,” he told The Reporter. “The United States is part of it, because major decisions of this nature are made together.”

According to him, coordinated recognition by Israel and the United States would carry weight within international institutions, influencing deliberations at the United Nations Security Council and potentially within the African Union.

Costantinos predicts Ethiopia’s recognition could come later, as Addis Ababa seeks to preserve the relations it has built with the Somali federal government and avoid actions that could strain those ties.

Meanwhile, Egypt, Somalia, Turkey, and Djibouti are among the countries that have issued statements condemning Israel’s recognition of Somaliland as a sovereign state.

Ankara characterized the decision as “clear interference in Somalia’s internal affairs.”

In a statement issued following a phone call between the foreign ministers of the four countries, the Egyptian government expressed its “full opposition to any unilateral measures that could undermine Somali sovereignty or destabilize the country.”

However, Costantinos argues the recognition of Somaliland will not undermine stability in the Horn of Africa, noting that the territory has remained stable for more than three decades.

“We have to be intellectually honest about Somaliland,” he said. “For over three decades, it has maintained a level of internal stability that many recognized states envy. It has a functioning democracy and political stability. The delay in recognition has been about who takes the first step, not about bad intentions.”

A political expert spoke to The Reporter requesting anonymity, also shares Costantinos’s view that Israel’s recognition of Somaliland could encourage other countries to take similar steps.

He said it remains too early to draw firm conclusions, as the situation is still evolving, but noted that such political decisions are inherently “contagious.”

“Once a door is opened in situations like this, it is only a matter of time before others follow,” he said, adding that Somaliland’s case had long been delayed over questions of which country would make the first move.

The expert said Israel’s decision has the backing of the United States, noting that officials from the US Embassy and its delegations made an official visit to Hargeisa on the same day to assess Somaliland’s diplomatic capacity.

“Who comes next will depend on time,” he said, adding that Israel’s move may also be aimed at countering the influence of Turkey and Egypt in the region.

He said recognition of Somaliland could act as a trigger for the revival of the memorandum of understanding (MoU) Ethiopia signed with Somaliland.

While stating that Israel would not pose a threat to Ethiopia’s sovereignty, the expert said Somaliland’s recognition would benefit Ethiopia in several respects.

Costantinos also said Ethiopia’s political tensions with Asmara could ease following recognition of Hargeisa, arguing that it would open additional opportunities for Addis Ababa.

“Israel’s move will directly affect Egypt’s interests and could also reduce the significance of the Assab issue with Eritrea by offering Ethiopia a better alternative,” he told The Reporter.

Born and raised in Addis Ababa, Teshome Wondimu grew up in Fitber, a neighborhood where music and performance were woven into daily life. It was there, amid communal gatherings and informal artistry that his lifelong engagement with culture took root — long before it would carry him onto an international stage.

This year, that journey reached a milestone. Teshome, the founder and chief executive of Selam Ethiopia and the Addis Jazz Festival, became the first Ethiopian to receive the International Citation of Merit from the International Society for the Performing Arts (ISPA), one of the field’s most respected global bodies. The award recognizes more than three decades of work dedicated to building cultural institutions, connecting artists across borders, and strengthening the infrastructure that sustains the performing arts.

While attending Dagmawi Minilik School in Addis Ababa, Teshome began learning musical instruments and performing at a young age. Music quickly became a constant—less a hobby than a parallel education—shaping his interests and orienting him toward creative and organizational work. Those early experiences, he says, laid the foundation for his later involvement in arts management and cultural initiatives.

His path soon took him beyond civilian life. In Asmara, where he joined the Ethiopian Navy, music entered a more structured environment. He performed in marching bands and later with the Navy’s dance band, where rehearsals and performances were embedded in daily routines. The military setting, he recalled, reinforced music’s collective and social function, situating it within public life and shared experience rather than individual expression.

In 1986, Teshome received a scholarship to study music in Moscow. There, he trained as a conductor and musical director, immersing himself in music theory, classical traditions, and institutional models of performance. The years in Russia, he said, expanded not only his technical skills but also his understanding of discipline, coordination, and rehearsal systems—lessons that would later inform his work as an organizer and institution-builder.

“The foundation of my career was shaped by three stages,” Teshome said: “early training, service in the Ethiopian Navy, and studies in Russia.” Together, those experiences formed a framework that guided his professional choices.

A fourth chapter began in 1990, when he moved to Sweden. While adapting to a new society, he remained active in the cultural sector and pursued studies in cultural administration, focusing on planning, management, and policy. His work gradually shifted away from individual performance toward coordination, program development, and institutional engagement.

That shift culminated in the founding of Selam in Stockholm in 1997. Conceived as a platform to connect Sweden with artists from Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean, Selam sought to create space for cultural exchange while broadening access to global music and performance within Sweden. Concerts, tours, and collaborations became its core activities, linking artists with venues, audiences, and cultural institutions.

“Selam was founded to connect Sweden with the rest of the world,” Teshome said, “and to create space for different musical cultures to be presented and exchanged.” Over time, the organization expanded beyond music to include literature, media, theater, film, and circus arts.

As Selam’s footprint grew in Europe, Teshome’s attention increasingly returned to Ethiopia. He began examining how cultural institutions functioned, how heritage was managed, and which systems were missing within the music sector. His focus centered on music education, cultural policy, and the commercial environment surrounding artists—areas he viewed as essential for long-term sector development.

Selam’s work in Ethiopia led to the establishment of a music studio, the launch of festivals including Selam Festival Addis and the Addis Jazz Festival, and the creation of Muzikawi, a company focused on recording, publishing, and rights management. Over nearly three decades, Teshome has been involved in initiatives ranging from research and youth programs to collaboration with government bodies and advocacy around copyright and intellectual property.

His work has also extended beyond national borders. Through pan-African platforms such as the Pan-African Network for Artists’ Freedom and Connect for Culture Africa, he has engaged in continental discussions on artistic freedom, collaboration, and cultural policy, including work with the African Union on cultural funding frameworks.

The effort, he acknowledged, has not been without resistance. Limited engagement from decision-makers and inconsistent investment in culture have been persistent challenges. Addressing them, he said, has required sustained dialogue and long-term advocacy.

“At times, the process has been frustrating,” he said, “especially when long-term experience and sector knowledge are not fully taken into account.”

Despite such obstacles, Teshome’s work has earned growing recognition. He has received several awards, including honors from the City of Stockholm. In 2026, he will formally receive the ISPA International Citation of Merit at the organization’s congress in New York, placing him among global cultural leaders recognized for advancing international collaboration through arts management, education, and institutional development.

“I am honored to receive this recognition from ISPA,” he told The Reporter. “It reflects the contribution of Selam and the people we work with.” The award, he added, both acknowledges work already done and offers encouragement for what lies ahead.

Today, Selam operates as Selam Global, encompassing Selam Sweden, Selam Ethiopia, Selam Kenya, and Muzikawi. The organization continues to produce festivals, tours, and exchange programs, while also working to archive and reissue Ethiopian music recordings, including on vinyl. Plans are underway to establish permanent cultural spaces in both Stockholm and Addis Ababa.

“This award confirms many years of work carried out across countries,” Teshome said. “It is something we share with colleagues, artists, and partners. I will continue building systems that support artists and cultural practitioners in Ethiopia, across Africa, and within international networks.”

With no one left by her side, Tiblets Kidanu says she never imagined a life like this. Until five years ago, the 68-year-old had lived in Adebay, in the Western Tigray Zone, supported by family and sustained by assets she had built over decades. Then came the war.

The two-year war in Tigray dismantled her life piece by piece—claiming her children, erasing her livelihood, and leaving her alone in displacement. Today, Tiblets lives with hunger and illness inside a tent known as a kenda at the Hitsats internally displaced persons (IDP) camp in Aseged Woreda, near Shire. She received the tent a week after arriving.

Five years later, it remains her only shelter.

Suspended between faint hope and quiet despair, Tiblets says she is waiting for what she calls the inevitable.

Once a mother of two sons and a daughter, she has no one left to care for her. Two of her children were killed during the war; her daughter fled to Sudan. Alone in the camp, Tiblets struggles to survive without consistent food, medicine, or support.

“I am exhausted and can barely move my legs,” she told The Reporter. “It has been days since I last received enough food or medicine for my injured legs and constant back pain. I don’t even remember when we last received wheat—or how quickly it ran out.”

In the camp, she explained, whatever little arrives is shared. One household may receive assistance one day, another none at all.

Her story reflects the grim reality for elderly people living on the margins at the Hitsats IDP center, where food shortages, inadequate shelter, and limited health services have deepened vulnerability. Older residents and people with chronic illnesses are particularly at risk, struggling to survive without regular humanitarian assistance or access to basic medical care.

Civil society organizations, including Tselal, a group based in Western Tigray, report that a significant proportion of the camp’s residents are elderly or chronically ill—people displaced from the region’s western zone.

Once home to Eritrean refugees seeking safety in Ethiopia, the camp now shelters more than 16,000 Ethiopian IDPs, most displaced during the outbreak of war in late 2020. Observers note that arrivals from Western Tigray have continued even after the signing of the peace agreement in late 2022.

The war in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region left deep humanitarian scars, triggering one of the largest internal displacement crises in the country’s recent history. Violence, widespread destruction, food insecurity, and the collapse of basic services uprooted millions.

As of late 2025, national displacement tracking data indicate that Ethiopia still hosts approximately 2.8 million IDPs. Nearly one million of them originate from Tigray alone, according to humanitarian reports—many still living in camps and collective sites under precarious conditions.

Across the region, more than 140 officially reported IDP centers struggle to meet basic needs. Chronic food shortages, overcrowding, and limited access to health services have increased the risks of malnutrition and disease.

“The conditions at Hitsats are a grim reflection of what is happening across Tigray,” said Tsegaye Tetemke, a senior officer with Tselal. He warned that other camps in Shire, Adigrat, Adwa, and Axum face even more severe conditions.

“Families receive only small, irregular food rations,” he said. “Often these are shared among dozens of people just to prevent immediate starvation.”

While images of elderly residents at Hitsats circulating on social media have drawn public attention, Tsegaye said they reveal only a fraction of the crisis.

“Thousands here are on the brink of death,” he said. “Deaths from hunger and lack of medical care occur daily, especially among the elderly, children, and people with chronic illnesses.”

What distinguishes Hitsats, he added, is the absence of support networks.

“Nearly everyone here is elderly and alone,” he said. “In other camps, people may receive help from children or relatives. At Hitsats, no one has that luxury. All they can do is share what little they have—because everyone is struggling to survive.”

Tsegaye said that of the roughly 16,000 IDPs sheltering at the Hitsats camp, more than 300 have died since the peace accord was signed three years ago—an average of nearly four deaths a day. Over the past year alone, he said, at least 80 deaths were recorded at the center, most attributed to starvation and the absence of adequate medical treatment.

More than 3,000 residents, he added, are now facing a deepening hunger crisis, with a growing number of people in critical condition due to severe food shortages and limited access to health care. In reality, he warned, no one in the camp is safe.

“Every life here is under threat, beyond the 3,000 facing extreme hunger,” Tsegaye said.

He argued that the crisis should never have been allowed to deteriorate to such an extent, suggesting that the prolonged lack of intervention may have been deliberate—an effort, he said, to keep the scale of suffering hidden from international scrutiny.

“The gravity of this situation was well known long before the images on social media triggered public outrage,” he said. “What happened at Mekelle’s Seb’a Kare IDP center—where children were attacked twice by animals—should have been a clear wake-up call for the government and responsible authorities.”

Instead, he continued, deaths from hunger and collapsing services were repeatedly reported from multiple camps, yet little action followed. “A blind eye was turned,” he said. “I believe there has been a deliberate attempt to prevent the world from seeing the reality of Tigray’s IDP centers.”

According to Tsegaye, it was only after images of suffering elderly residents went viral that humanitarian organizations and volunteer medical teams began mobilizing toward the camp. Even then, he said, the response from both the Tigray Interim Regional Administration and the federal government has fallen far short of the scale of the emergency.

“In the past, IDPs received 16 kilos of food aid per person,” he told The Reporter. “That was reduced to nine kilos, and most recently to just three.” The complete suspension of aid in recent months, he added—particularly following the halt of support from USAID—has pushed many to the brink of death.

“Since the aid stopped, the death toll and the level of suffering have risen sharply,” he said.

The images that finally drew global attention were captured by Berhane Tekle, a local TikToker who visited the Hitsats camp with the intention of documenting conditions that he believed had been ignored for years. His video, widely shared online, sparked an outpouring of sympathy and emergency assistance.

But Berhane insists that what the world saw was not new.

“Everyone here is struggling, but the elderly are in the most critical condition,” he told The Reporter. “They cannot work, and many have no family left to support them.”

While the influx of aid triggered by the viral footage has provided temporary relief, he said, it cannot substitute for a lasting solution. “The most important thing is for people to return to their homes,” he said. “That responsibility lies with the government.”

Although the crisis at Hitsats gained international attention only recently, similar conditions have long been documented across Tigray. From Adigrat to Axum, and from Mekelle to the Adi Mohammeday camps, reports describe rising death tolls and widespread deprivation.

Media investigations and humanitarian assessments indicate that the most vulnerable—unaccompanied children, pregnant women, the elderly, and people with disabilities or chronic illnesses—are dying from starvation, acute malnutrition, and preventable diseases.

The situation at the Adi Mohammeday IDP camp is particularly alarming. The site shelters more than 27,300 displaced people and has reportedly received no humanitarian assistance for seven months. Food shortages, deteriorating health conditions, and the collapse of essential services have left thousands without basic care.

According to the camp’s coordinator, 283 people have died at Adi Mohammeday since 2023, while at least 6,630 residents are in urgent need of emergency assistance. Many—especially malnourished children, pregnant women, the elderly, and the chronically ill—lack access to life-saving medical treatment.

The viral images from Hitsats also prompted a wave of official responses. Civil society organizations, regional political parties, the Ethiopian Disaster Risk Management Commission, and the Tigray Interim Administration—including the TPLF—issued statements acknowledging the crisis. Most emphasized that the only durable solution lies in the safe return of displaced people to their homes.

While recognizing the reports of starvation and deaths at Hitsats, the Interim Administration stressed that severe hunger is not confined to one camp but is widespread across displacement sites throughout the region—underscoring a humanitarian emergency that extends far beyond a single viral video.

In contrast, the newly formed Simret party issued a sharply worded condemnation of the current leadership. In a statement, the party said the “prolonged deaths of displaced people due to the lack of food and medicine” had forced the nation to “bow its head in shame.” It accused what it described as a “backward group and its cronies” of prioritizing organizational security over public safety, while enriching themselves through what it alleged was the large-scale theft of land and gold.

Simret further alleged that the administration and its affiliates had deliberately obscured the suffering of displaced people from media coverage, calling it a calculated attempt to shield the scale of the crisis from the international community.

The Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professionals (GSTS) also weighed in, calling for the immediate deployment of life-saving assistance—including food, medical care, and emergency relief—to Hitsats and other affected camps. The opposition Salsay Weyane Tigray party similarly warned that this was not an isolated case, citing multiple assessments that documented severe conditions across displacement sites throughout the region.

In its statement, the party argued that human rights groups and international organizations have both a moral and legal obligation to exert meaningful pressure on the government to reverse policies that disadvantage internally displaced people and refugees.

The Ethiopian Disaster Risk Management Commission, however, challenged the viral accounts. In a statement issued on December 23, the Commission said that information circulating on social media about the Hitsats camp was inaccurate. It maintained that displaced residents had received consistent humanitarian support throughout the year, with food assistance delivered from September to December 2018 under the Ethiopian calendar.

The Commission also reminded regional and local authorities that ensuring aid is used strictly for its intended purpose falls under their responsibility.

Efforts by The Reporter to obtain a response from the Tigray Regional State’s Disaster Risk Management Commission were unsuccessful.

However, in a statement issued on December 26, 2025, the Regional Disaster Risk Management Commission said it had formally communicated with the Federal Disaster Risk Management Commission regarding the serious conditions facing the IDPs in the region.

“We have consistently raised these concerns during the Disaster Risk Management Council’s regular meetings, which are chaired by the Deputy Prime Minister and attended by all regional presidents and the Disaster Risk Management Commissioner,” reads the statement. It added that federal support and monitoring teams have been visiting the region to observe and assess the situation directly.

The statement further noted that the 2024 Multi-Sectoral Meher Seasonal Assessment, jointly conducted by regional and federal government institutions, universities, and humanitarian agencies, confirmed that 2.459 million people in the region require assistance.

Yet, a humanitarian advocate based at an IDP camp in Shire, speaking on condition of anonymity, described the situation as “deeply saddening” and accused political actors of exploiting the suffering of displaced people for leverage.

“The most tragic aspect of the statements issued by political parties, the TPLF, the Commission, and the Interim Administration is that they appear driven more by political interest than by genuine concern,” the advocate said. “It is unbearable to witness such extreme starvation and man-made suffering in the 21st century.”

The struggle for survival unfolding in Hitsats and across Tigray, observers say, is not an isolated tragedy but part of a broader national humanitarian emergency approaching a breaking point.

In neighboring Amhara, conditions are similarly dire, with more than half a million displaced people in urgent need of shelter and essential non-food items.

Recent reports indicate that at least 560,000 people living in 33 IDP sites and collective centers across Amhara—including in the North and South Wollo zones—are enduring what aid agencies describe as “severe” living conditions. Many shelters have become uninhabitable, damaged by years of overcrowding, structural decay, and prolonged use.

A December 2025 UNHCR report details a severe and rapidly escalating humanitarian crisis among IDPs in the region, marked by widespread starvation and preventable deaths among multiple displacement sites. The recent UNOCHA reported that approximately 90 percent of the displaced population resides within host communities.

It added that the remainder are in informal sites, primarily the Debre Berhan and Jara camps, which host roughly 22,000 and 10,000 individuals respectively.

The UN, citing the Amhara Disaster Prevention and Food Security Commission, states the displacement stems from multi-layered conflicts, including spillover violence from the western Oromia region. Many now, according to the report, reside in collective shelters in Debre Berhan (China camp), Woinshet, and Bakelo, where there are critical shortages of basic necessities.

An effort to return 2,800 displaced people from Amhara to their places of origin in West Shewa, East Wollega, and West Wollega was unsuccessful, as many were unable to go back to their homes while others returned to the displacement camps in Debre Berhan.

From the silent corners of Hitsats to the crumbling centers of Wollo and Debre Berhan, the ‘inevitable’ fate Tiblets fears is becoming a collective reality for millions of Ethiopians caught in a cycle of displacement that transcends regions.

According to a statement issued jointly by the World Food Programme (WFP), United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and the Ethiopian Refugees and Returnees Service (RRS) this week, critical funding shortfalls have forced drastic cuts to essential food and nutrition assistance, putting the lives and well-being of over 1.1 million refugees in Ethiopia at severe risk.

Officials warn of spiraling malnutrition, disease, and destabilization across the country’s refugee camps if the funding drought continues. The agency says it requires USD 142 million to support refugees in Ethiopia over the next six months.

The report states that malnutrition has been on a sharp rise since WFP was forced to cut rations for 780,000 refugees to just 40 percent of the standard entitlement in October. The agency now provides less than 1,000 calories a day to each refugee.

The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) echoed the warning.

“The consequences of inaction will be dire,” a UNHCR spokesperson said in the joint statement.

Beyond food assistance, shortages in funding and supplies have severely disrupted water and education services, according to the statement.

The WFP added that refugees now receive an average of only 12–14 liters of water per person per day, with levels falling to as low as five liters in some locations.

The statement identifies schools as being among the most affected services.

“Funding for 57 primary schools serving about 110,000 children has been exhausted,” it reads, “These schools are set to close on 31 December, 2025, leaving classrooms locked and teachers without pay.”

Ethiopia hosts refugees from neighboring countries, including Sudan, South Sudan, Eritrea, and Somalia, with the report indicating that ongoing conflict and drought in these countries are driving new arrivals into Ethiopia.

“Ethiopia has kept its doors open, but it cannot bear this responsibility alone,” the agencies stated in the joint message. “We need sustained support to prevent further deterioration and to help refugees rebuild their lives with dignity.”

The statement, released on December 18, 2025, comes from the human rights commissions of Ethiopia, Kenya, Mozambique, and Zambia.

They appeal for a fundamental shift toward rights-based migration governance, and warn that the migration is fueled by conflict, climate change, and limited legal pathways, leaving migrants exposed to grave risks like trafficking and violence.

“We call upon the national governments to adopt a human rights-based approach in migration governance,” reads the statement, urging governments to ratify and implement the international convention and faithfully implement the Global Compact for Migration.

“We urge member states to form and expand bilateral and multilateral agreements,” reads the statement. It also specifies these agreements must be rights-based, gender-inclusive, child-centered, and disability-responsive.

The coalition also called for the creation of platforms to enhance cooperation on migrant protection along the southern corridor, which runs from East to southern Africa, and reaffirmed a commitment to document migrant experiences and violations to recommend redress.

Issued in commemoration of International Migrants Day, the statement reiterates that member states have a legal obligation to uphold human rights for everyone under national and international law.

Mehreteab Ghebremeskel, director for IDP, refugee, and migrant rights at the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC), explained that the ratification of the International Convention has been an ongoing subject of discussion.

“It has been agreed upon in many stages,” he said. “The process is currently ongoing and discussions have been happening for quite some time at the level of the Ministry of Justice.”

He confirmed the process follows from agreements made within the Universal Periodic Review (UPR), and said ratification is the responsibility of the ministries of Justice and Foreign Affairs, with EHRC conducting advocacy.

Mehreteab observes that while national laws, including the constitution, provide a framework for protecting migrants, the formal ratification of international agreements would serve to strengthen these protections.

Running through Saturday, the residency focuses on music documentation, digital preservation and cultural policy, bringing together practitioners engaged in archiving work from Ethiopia, Uganda, Tanzania, Somalia and Kenya. In all, 12 participants took part in the program, which emphasizes collaboration across borders in a field often marked by scarce resources.

Titled “Preserving the Sound: A Pan-African Music Record Archiving and Heritage Residency,” the program is part of the Connect for Culture Africa (CfCA) initiative, which advocates for stronger public investment in arts, culture and heritage. CfCA is working with African governments toward a target of allocating at least one percent of national budgets to culture by 2030.

At the opening ceremony, organizers noted a striking paradox: while African music continues to gain global recognition, much of the continent’s historical and contemporary recorded output remains undocumented or at risk of disappearing. Limited infrastructure, fragmented archival systems and restricted access to digital tools, they said, have left many recordings vulnerable to loss.

The residency is designed as a response to those gaps. Over six days, participants exchanged experiences from their home countries, mapping common challenges in East Africa’s music archiving landscape and examining international models that might be adapted locally. The program combines workshops, group discussions and planning sessions aimed at developing prototypes for regional archiving systems.

Beyond technical training, the initiative also included field-based learning sessions that link archival practice with cultural production, exploring how documentation can feed back into creative and community life. Organizers say the goal is not only to preserve music, but to also foster cross border collaboration for the preservation of East African Music.

By the end of the residency, participants are expected to initiate music preservation projects in their local contexts and to join a broader Pan-African network of archivists, musicians and cultural professionals. Planned outputs include documentation materials, policy-oriented recommendations and creative content connected to music archiving and preservation.

Hosted by Selam Ethiopia in collaboration with regional and institutional partners, including national archival bodies, the residency is being tested as a pilot program. Organizers say it may be expanded to other East African countries, including Tanzania and Uganda, by 2026, drawing on lessons learned during the current training phase.

Among the 12 participants is Tabu Osusa, a Kenyan music researcher and the founder of Ketikeli Music. He said the Initiative closely aligns with his organization’s mission to research, document, develop and promote the diverse musical traditions of East Africa.

Osusa pointed to a structural gap that continues to undermine cultural preservation across the continent: the absence of national cultural repositories, particularly for music and film. In contrast to Western countries, he said, where institutional libraries safeguard artistic memory, Africa has largely relied on informal or fragmented systems.

“We don’t have these kinds of institutions in Africa,” he said. “It is time to decide how to act and to convince governments that arts and music matter. When archiving is absent, identity is weakened, and future generations are left without cultural reference points.”

Speaking during the residency’s deliberations, Osusa emphasized that the first task for participants is to clearly define the sector’s challenges and then outline practical responses. One such response, he said, would be forming a coordinated regional group capable of engaging governments and ministries of culture across East Africa.

Osusa says plans are already afoot to establish a collective to lobby governments so they understand the urgency of this issue. “We also need to confront questions of repatriation — how to bring our music and cultural materials back home.” He described the Addis Ababa residency as a potential catalyst, particularly in a continent where much historical knowledge remains oral and insufficiently documented.

The initiative reflects a growing recognition that music archives are not simply records of the past but living resources that shape cultural identity, education and Africa’s presence on the global cultural stage. In that context, Sisay Mengistu, director of programs at Selam Ethiopia, called the protection of Africa’s musical memory a core pillar of cultural identity and sustainable development.

Sisay said many East African countries face similar deficiencies in documenting and archiving artistic works. He noted that the residency is expected to support modernization and digitization efforts, while also promoting African culture internationally in ways that can generate income and stimulate sectorial growth.

“This residency creates a pathway for future generations to understand what we have,” he said, “while also helping the arts sector generate income and raise awareness of its value, especially among young people.” He added that the program offers space to examine country-specific realities, inform policy adjustments and develop long-term strategies for strengthening arts and culture.

Founded in 1997, Selam Ethiopia works to catalyze the country’s cultural sector by building sustainable foundations for the arts. Its activities span music, circus, media, literature, theater and film, while encouraging younger generations to use creative expression as a tool for active citizenship and community engagement.

Looking ahead, Sisay says the initiative aims to expand into Central and West Africa, with a particular focus on digital archiving. By building technical skills and awareness around digitization, he said, the program seeks to transform Africa’s vulnerable oral histories into permanent digital repositories.

A recent study conducted by OCP Ethiopia, a subsidiary of the OCP phosphate mining and fertilizer production conglomerate owned by the Moroccan state, and the Sidama Region Agricultural Research Institute (SiRARI) portrays soil acidity as a growing concern in Ethiopia, where agriculture remains central to the economy, employing about 80 percent of the workforce and contributing more than 35 percent of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

The study found that more than 43 percent of Ethiopia’s actively cultivated land is acidic, with pH levels classified as critically low. It highlighted that roughly 72 percent of land in areas such as Sidama, Southwest Ethiopia, and South Ethiopia is affected by low soil pH, while up to 60 percent of farmland in the Oromia Regional State and 35 percent of farmland in the Amhara Regional State experience similar acidity-related conditions.

Experts involved in the study, including lead researcher Selamyihun Kidanu (PhD), note that acidic soils significantly reduce agricultural productivity. They explain that low pH conditions bind essential nutrients such as phosphorus, limit the availability of key elements needed by crops, and reduce microbial activity that supports soil health. As a result, crop yields in affected areas can fall to around half of the national average.

The researchers further highlight that acidic conditions increase the solubility of toxic elements such as aluminum and manganese. These elements, according to the experts, can accumulate in the soil at harmful levels, placing additional stress on crops and reinforcing a cycle of low productivity for farming communities already facing declining returns from their land.

Selamyihun has been a principal agronomist at OCP Ethiopia since 2017, where he currently serves as director of agronomy and business development. A soil scientist with training from Haramaya University, Selamyihun has built a career centered on large-scale agricultural production within cross-social contexts. He is widely recognized for his work on soil acidity and nutrient management in Ethiopia, including the development of solutions such as OC-MASSA, a specialized type of fertilizer, to address phosphorus deficiency and acidic soils and improve conditions for crop production.

In an in-depth conversation with The Reporter’s Abraham Tekle, Selamyihun examined the critical soil acidity crisis in Ethiopia and the transformative agricultural and economic potential of OC-MASSA. He also provided updates on the current status of OCP’s 2021 agreement to develop a fertilizer production plant in eastern Ethiopia. EXCERPTS:

The Reporter: You recently conducted a field trip to the OC-MASSA Wheat Cluster Demonstration, organized by OCP Ethiopia in partnership with the Sidama Region Agricultural Research Institute (SiRARI). Walk us through its purpose and key findings of the project and share with us the relationship between your visit and the study conducted in the region.

Selamyihun Kidanu (PhD): I think the journey took several years, driven by the search for products that work effectively in challenging soil environments. Soil acidity is a major constraint in the country for several reasons. It affects a large share of cultivated land, estimated at 43 percent. These areas also coincide with zones of high agricultural importance where rainfall is substantial. Addressing soil acidity can significantly improve the productivity of rain-fed agriculture, as many of these regions receive more than 800 millimeters of rainfall within three to four months. This makes them reliable in terms of moisture and temperature regimes. However, soil acidity remains the main bottleneck to fully utilizing this potential.

Soil acidity presents four major constraints that must be addressed together. The first is low soil pH, which affects nutrient stability. Even when soils contain nutrient reserves, these are not biologically available under acidic conditions. When soil pH falls below 5.5, acidity becomes a limiting factor. For optimal crop growth, soil pH should range between 6.5 and 7.5.

Since 2019, a blended fertilizer has been developed to support crops affected by soil acidity. The product was evaluated in the field with local partners, the national agricultural research system, and regional counterparts. Over two years, rigorous field studies were conducted across 54 benchmark sites. Based on the results, 11 blended fertilizer formulas tailored for wheat production were advanced.

With the support of the Ministry of Agriculture, these products went through the registration process and were approved as commercial fertilizers. Before market introduction, efforts focused on building awareness at the grassroots level. Multi-location preliminary trials were conducted during the current season across several regions. One of these initiatives took place in Sidama, where work was carried out on crops such as common beans and wheat. Field visits were organized with partners to observe farmer responses and hear feedback based on their experiences using the blended fertilizers called OC-MASSA.

Based on your findings, what government policy changes are being considered to scale up the adoption of OC-MASSA nationwide—especially in addressing low farmer awareness and to bring more results in the agricultural system?

The primary objective of our pre-commercial demonstrations was to systematically gather evidence, beginning with small-scale experimental plots and scaling up to 10-hectare farm clusters. By implementing these trials within local communities, incorporating groups of 30 to 40 farmers, we have successfully bridged the gap between research and reality. We now possess a full spectrum of data, ranging from controlled experimental results to real-world farm performance. This comprehensive evidence base provides policymakers with the necessary confidence to take decisive action rooted in locally developed, scientific findings.

Beyond the data, securing “buy-in” from the farming community is essential for the long-term adoption of these products. We are actively capturing farmer perceptions and testimonials to understand how they envision integrating these solutions into their future practices. By connecting technical research data with the lived experiences of farmers in our semi-commercial demonstrations, we have created a cohesive narrative of success. This integrated body of evidence, combining objective science with community feedback, now empowers policymakers to make informed, strategic decisions for the agricultural sector.

What has been done to create awareness in this regard to low-informed farmers to cut the cost of these technological materials to the farm lands?

OC-MASSA is designed as an alternative option for addressing acidic land. From a logistics perspective, it has a significant advantage. To illustrate this quantitatively, correcting soil acidity using lime requires the application of about 20 quintals over 2.4 hectares. OC-MASSA can achieve a similar effect with only three quintals of fertilizer. This represents a shift from conventional soil amendment approaches to a customized fertilizer solution that combines pH correction with the supply of missing nutrients, particularly phosphorus, which are the two main constraints being addressed.

Because of this efficiency, OC-MASSA is easier for farmers to use and more cost-effective. An investment in OC-MASSA can be recovered within a single season, without a long waiting period. In contrast, lime requires the application of large quantities, involves higher logistical costs, and demands more infrastructure for transport, storage, and handling. OC-MASSA can be distributed through existing fertilizer value chains without additional infrastructure, allowing it to reach remote areas through the national distribution system. It provides productivity comparable to lime while offering faster recovery, quicker returns, and better accessibility.

What does the long-term research show about the efficacy and cost-benefit of OC-MASSA compared to traditional bulk agricultural lime in managing soil acidity?

Extensive research was conducted as part of this work, including the collection of about 1,200 data points across multiple activities. On average, comparisons between conventional fertilizers and OC-MASSA show a yield advantage of around 20 to 30 percent. In some cases, particularly in highly sensitive agro-ecological zones, the advantage ranges from 20 to 50 percent. Variations are observed across locations due to differences in crop tolerance and sensitivity to soil pH levels.

When compared with the conventional fertilizers currently in use, the average advantage of OC-MASSA generally ranges between 10 and 25 percent. When these gains are translated to the scale of cultivated land, the overall impact is substantial. The improvement significantly reduces crop susceptibility to soil acidity and can result in an estimated additional 1.4 million metric tons of grain production.

How is the ongoing site-specific fertilizer research being integrated into the national agricultural extension system?

This represents OCP’s core vision of building a sustainable agricultural system in Africa. When soil acidity limits crop production, the objective is to shift toward more nutrient-dense crops such as wheat, maize, and barley, rather than relying mainly on more acid-tolerant root crops. While root crops contribute primarily carbohydrates, cereals offer broader nutritional value. Increasing the production and productivity of these crops is a central priority, closely aligned with government policy aimed at achieving national self-sufficiency. Once self-sufficiency is reached, the focus can shift to export or import substitution, reflecting the strategic outcomes of sustained productivity growth.

Secondly, addressing soil acidity has become a top priority for the government, as it directly influences the livelihoods of millions. Geographically, this issue affects regions home to approximately 18 million people; when considering the average household size of five, the impact extends to nearly 40 million individuals. Enhancing agricultural productivity in these areas does more than just bolster the national economy—it fundamentally secures the future of these households. By improving yields on acidic lands, the country is not only lifting its overall economic status but also ensuring steady progress and increased capacity for the millions of citizens.

OCP has announced the completion of its comprehensive soil mapping study. Could you provide an update on the current status of the map? When can we expect the results to be fully operationalized or made accessible to the public?

Soil maps provide information on the spatial distribution of soil types and their key properties. To link specific products with appropriate recommendations, a dedicated tool is required. A cartographic tool that shows the spatial distribution of soil acidity across different regions serves this purpose and can be effectively used by the agricultural extension system. At the same time, digital agricultural tools have been developed and are supported through national distribution and decision-support platforms.

These tools are being developed through collaboration between the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ethiopian Institute of Agricultural Research, and related centers. Initial cartographic and soil fertility mapping has already been completed, including soil fertility maps produced under the ETH project. This work resulted in the country’s first soil fertility atlas, which identifies nutrient deficiencies, their geographic locations, and the constraints that must be addressed to reach appropriate solutions. The atlas provides precise location-based information to guide interventions.

Regarding the publication, the core work is complete, though we continue to refine the data iteratively. The final phase, which incorporates the full national dataset, is scheduled for release this year. Currently, updated segments are already available in databases for some parts of the country. While we intend to publish all generated findings, the system is already fully operational and being utilized.

In September 2021, Ethiopia and OCP signed the agreement for a fertilizer complex valued at more than USD 2–3 billion. Where does this project stand today, and what is the updated timeline for construction and commissioning—especially in light of the later USD 2.5 billion urea plant deal signed with the Dangote Group in August 2025?

Progress on the Dire Dawa project has been limited, primarily due to the lack of ready raw material sources required for manufacturing. The initial strategy was to capitalize on natural gas reserves from the Ogaden region to power fossil fuel plants; however, because the government-controlled gas supply did not meet initial expectations, the project required a lengthy revision of its planned capacity. As the industrial landscape shifts—notably with the Dangote Group’s Urea plant now utilizing available gas—our organization is adapting its approach. We are currently proposing an alternative path: the establishment of a unilateral fertilizer plant in Ethiopia to better align with these evolving market dynamics.

Considering the four-to-five-year timeframe since the project’s inception, what factors would you identify as the primary drivers of this delay? Is this stagnation attributable to shifts in the political landscape, or has it been caused by specific policy-related challenges?

This issue is not related to political or policy changes, nor is it a matter of right or wrong decisions. The development of value chains and the development of products follow separate paths. While OCP is not the direct source of supply, it has been a key technical contributor from the very beginning. When the government requested the establishment of four complexes, the responsibility for end-supply inputs rested with the government, as these were not within OCP’s capacity to provide.

During this process, a series of rigorous studies were conducted. The findings showed that the initial approach could not be implemented as assumed. As a result, the work shifted to a parallel pathway focused on developing local TSP granulation. However, once the process moved from assumptions to detailed feasibility studies and granular analysis, the results indicated that this option was not economically viable. This led to a clear separation into two distinct approaches, based on a shared understanding of the constraints involved.

Beyond the Dire Dawa initiative, has OCP partnered with the Ethiopian government on any other projects of a similar scale or nature?

Yes, but while many of these initiatives are starting from the ground up, we currently have five planning units under lease. Our focus is on supporting local initiatives that face operational challenges by prioritizing the development of OC-MASSA. Through this, we aim to revitalize and support customized suppliers, helping them recover and achieve stability. Although the journey over the past four to five years has involved building from scratch, our progress has significantly exceeded expectations. However, to transition into full-scale commercial production as per our existing agreements, the government must now provide the necessary off-take guarantees.

Recent developments indicate a notable shift in Ethiopia’s fertilizer procurement, with a portion of sourcing moving from Morocco to China. Does this transition reflect OCP’s operational performance or supply capacity? To what extent is OCP currently positioned to fulfill Ethiopia’s total national demand for fertilizer?

OCP participates in international tenders and primarily supplies products that complement national fertilizer resources, such as NPS and NPS Plus. When the government changes the source product from NPS to DAP, the cost increases significantly. In addition, it is not possible to shift production from one product to another on short notice, particularly when demand is high, because production lines are committed well in advance. By the time the government decides to shift to DAP our production lines are often already fully allocated, making it impossible to meet the additional demand through the same international tender process.

Why the sudden change?

First, the timing of the government’s tender purchases is often not known in advance. While the government has the full right to change its expectations and procurement decisions as it sees fit, such changes are typically communicated only at the final stage of the procurement process. As a result, this information remains unavailable until the last moment, limiting the ability of suppliers to plan or adjust accordingly.

For more than two decades, Yordanos Goushe built a public life defined by professional credibility. At 45, she is a journalist, author, and entrepreneur — and a mother, now eight months pregnant. But in recent months, she says, that carefully constructed life was shaken by a campaign of cyberbullying and blackmail that unfolded largely in public view.

What began, she told The Reporter, as an effort to seek legal redress over a collapsed business deal soon spiraled into what she describes as sustained online harassment, threats, and extortion — carried out by people she initially trusted to help her.

After the business arrangement failed, affecting both her work and income, Yordanos sought legal assistance. Through a TikTok content curator she followed, she was introduced to a man presented to her as a lawyer. The intermediary facilitated contact and early discussions about possible legal action. For a time, she said, the process appeared to move forward. Then it stalled.

According to Yordanos, the relationship soured abruptly. She alleges that both the TikToker and the purported lawyer turned against her, demanding money and threatening further harm. “They threatened to kill me and harassed me online by fabricating stories that had nothing to do with me,” she said. “They blackmailed me to pay money. They even posted a video using my name that was viewed by more than one million people.”

The demands, she said, escalated rapidly — from 40,000 birr to as much as 150,000 birr within a single day.

The consequences were not confined to social media. As allegations spread online, Yordanos said business partners withdrew from active deals, wary of the reputational damage. She traced her vulnerability to earlier professional setbacks, including a failed venture during the northern Ethiopian war and a subsequent period of financial strain.

Refusing to comply with the blackmail, she said, made her a further target. “I wouldn’t give in and be defeated easily,” she said.

Her experience, she argues, reflects a broader reality of life online in Ethiopia — one she describes as increasingly hostile and unregulated. “Social media in our country has become a place where anyone can be attacked, humiliated, or misrepresented with one wrong post,” she said. “One video, one comment, one rumor can destroy a person’s name, business, mental health, and sense of security.”

She says her photo, name, and private details were circulated without consent, accompanied by false narratives that spread rapidly. “It was painful, shocking, and emotionally draining,” Yordanos said, adding that what troubled her most was how quickly people accepted and shared the claims without verification.

Yordanos believes her gender and professional visibility made her particularly vulnerable. She described the abuse as coordinated, involving multiple individuals and their followers across several platforms. Over 15 consecutive days, she said, she faced continuous harassment, threats, and blackmail.

“It was very difficult to manage attacks coming from different directions while trying to protect my name and the dignity of my family,” she said.

She reported the case to the police, who opened an investigation and issued warning letters to both the TikTok content curator and the alleged lawyer. A legal case has been filed against the latter, she said, while the whereabouts of the TikToker remain unknown. More than 40 days after filing her complaint, Yordanos said, the harassment had not fully stopped.

“Cyberbullying is real,” she said. “It breaks people. It creates fear. It destroys confidence.”

Her experience is far from isolated. Cyberbullying affects not only high-profile women but also those in visible professions — lawyers, teachers, parents, and students — who find themselves exposed in an increasingly digital public sphere. Many become targets after sharing personal or professional information online, only to encounter harassment that is swift, public, and difficult to contain.

Those realities were on display at the recently held sheEsecures TFGBV Screenshot Exhibition, which documented experiences of technology-facilitated gender-based violence faced by women in Ethiopia. The exhibition highlighted threats, humiliation, non-consensual sharing of images, body shaming, and character attacks — forms of online harm that organizers say have become normalized in women’s digital lives.

Running for a week, the exhibition presented accounts of harassment, silencing, and intimidation that women and girls continue to face online, often in isolation and with limited access to institutional protection. Organizers emphasized that the cases on display were not anomalies but part of a broader pattern that constrains women’s voices, bodies, and participation in public life.

The exhibition, they said, was intended not only to make these harms visible, but also to raise urgent questions about the absence of a clear legal framework that recognizes such acts as violence — and holds perpetrators accountable in an increasingly networked society.

Research on technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) in Ethiopia has expanded in recent years. Studies by Pollicy, UN Women, the CIR, and other regional and international organizations have documented how online abuse systematically drives women out of digital spaces. Yet despite this growing body of evidence, national legal responses remain largely tethered to broad computer-crime provisions that fail to capture the scale, intent, and gendered nature of these harms.

At the recent public forum pointed to cyberbullying as a symptom of a deeper legal vacuum, Ethiopian lawyer and legal adviser Seble Assafa argued that the country is confronting what she described as a devastating and distinctly gendered epidemic of online abuse.

“Cyberbullying is a silent killer that is intentionally designed to attack women and undermine their confidence based on gender,” she said. Influential women, she added, are frequently targeted to diminish their achievements, while “revenge pornography is used against women who were once part of an ended relationship.”

For Seble, who says she has experienced online abuse herself, the issue extends well beyond a technical gap in legislation. It is, she argued, a social crisis spreading “like wildfire” across platforms, taking on multiple destructive forms that often go unchallenged.

On paper, Ethiopia’s legal framework offers some protection. Seble noted that some laws prescribe penalties for abusive speech, including cyberbullying, with potential sentences of up to six months and harsher punishments for hate speech and the dissemination of false information. In practice, however, enforcement remains weak.

“The application of the law is almost nonexistent,” she said, arguing that legal actors frequently overlook existing provisions. This failure, she added, is compounded by the absence of systematic data collection and case documentation, leaving victims without meaningful recourse and obscuring the true scope of the problem.

Addressing this type of violence, Seble said, requires a response proportionate to the harm inflicted. That includes legal reform, consistent enforcement, and the integration of digital literacy into school curricula. Without these measures, she warned, responsibility for safety continues to fall unfairly on those most exposed to abuse.

“Until that happens, women and girls will continue to carry the burden of protection alone, while the digital world keeps expanding without the safeguards they deserve,” she told The Reporter, calling for a shift from acknowledgment to concrete action.

Yordanos, whose experience anchors this broader debate, framed her ordeal as evidence of a collective social failure. Online abuse, she said, has been allowed to flourish through indifference and the pursuit of attention, reflecting a culture that rewards humiliation over empathy.

“We must do better as a society,” she said. “We must learn to protect one another instead of tearing each other down. We must stop normalizing cruelty for views, likes, or entertainment, and we must hold people accountable when they use social platforms to defame, shame, or hurt others.”

She emphasized that those facing cyberbullying should not feel isolated, stressing that dignity and safety online are not privileges but rights.

Beyond personal resilience, Yordanos underscored the need for institutional responses. She pointed to gaps in law-enforcement capacity, limited public awareness, and unclear legal procedures that leave victims vulnerable. Police training, accessibility, and well-defined guidelines, she argued, are essential to addressing digital abuse effectively.

“Social media was not created to destroy a country’s system or undermine the law,” she said. “When individuals gain unchecked power online, they become a threat not only to individuals but to the country itself.”

Yordanos urged victims to seek justice through formal channels rather than vigilante action, while calling for clearer consequences and broader public education so accountability is understood before harm occurs.

A Ministry press release issued on December 12, 2025, criticized IGAD for “failing to meet regional aspirations” and accused the eight-member bloc of operating as a tool against Eritrean interests.

Although Eritrea joined IGAD when it gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993, Asmara suspended its membership in April 2007 and did not reactivate it until June 2023.

The Ministry statement says the country reactivated its membership in June 2023 with the expectation that IGAD would implement reforms and address issues raised by Eritrea, which Eritrean officials claim has not happened.

“IGAD has and continues to renege on its statutory obligations thereby undermining its own relevance and legal mandate,” reads the statement.

Asmara’s decision to leave the bloc in 2007 stemmed from similar grievances. At the time, the government of Isaias Afwerki opposed IGAD member states’ support for Ethiopia’s military intervention in Somalia to fight Al-Shabaab, arguing that the deployment violated Somalia’s sovereignty and that IGAD failed to uphold the rights of a member state.

After Eritrea’s withdrawal, IGAD and the United Nations accused Asmara of supporting armed opposition groups and Al-Shabaab in Somalia.

These allegations reportedly resulted in UN sanctions imposed in 2009, affecting Eritrea’s relations with IGAD members and the wider international community. However, the sanctions were lifted nine years later, following political changes in Ethiopia in 2018 and the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two nations.

On November 15, 2018, the Executive Secretary of IGAD issued a letter expressing appreciation for the UN Security Council’s decision to lift sanctions on Eritrea.

“The historic normalization of the relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea that ended the no-war no-peace situation between the two sisterly countries is going to have a very positive ramification in the region in terms of cooperation and also towards peace, security and stability,” former Executive Secretary Mahboub Maalim had written at the time.

Following Asmara’s announcement of its withdrawal from the regional block again this week, IGAD has responded with a statement issued on Friday December 12, 2025.

“IGAD has taken note of the decision by the Government of the state of Eritrea to withdraw from the Organization, as communicated through a formal Note Verbale to the IGAD Secretariat,” reads IGAD’s statement.

IGAD recalls that Eritrea had self-suspended its participation in the Organization for nearly two decades before formally rejoining following the 14th Ordinary Summit of Heads of State and Government held in June 2023. On that occasion, Eritrea was unanimously and warmly welcomed back by all Member States, reflecting a collective commitment to inclusivity, regional solidarity, and renewed cooperation.

Since June 2023, IGAD notes with regret that Eritrea has not participated in IGAD meetings, programmes, or activities. Throughout this period, the Secretariat has exercised patience and goodwill, while remaining open and available for constructive engagement.

“IGAD further regrets that the decision to withdraw was taken without the submission of tangible proposals or engagement on specific institutional or policy reforms. The Organization has consistently remained open to dialogue through its established consultative mechanisms,” reads the statement.

“In this spirit, the IGAD Secretariat will continue its outreach to the Government of the State of Eritrea and encourages it to reconsider its position and to fully rejoin the Organization in good faith, in order to advance shared objectives for peace, stability, and development across the region. IGAD remains firmly committed to its mandate of fostering regional cooperation, dialogue, and collective action for the benefit of the peoples of the Horn of Africa,” adds the IGAD statement.

The project, set on a 10-hectare block of farmland, brings together 41 smallholders. It also unfolds against a sobering backdrop: a recent study shows that 62 percent of Sidama’s agricultural land suffers from low soil pH, a level of acidity that severely constrains crop productivity.

For Melese and Gendeshu, the shift has been transformative.

Before OC-MASSA, Melese said he struggled with declining yields despite intensive labor. This year, after applying the fertilizer for the first time, his wheat output rose dramatically.

“Prior to this year, we had no knowledge of OC-MASSA,” he said. “But this farming season, I harvested more than I ever expected.” He says the bumper harvest is because the enhanced fertilizer has improved the condition of the soil.

Gendeshu shares a similar story. For years, he relied on DAP (Diammonium Phosphate), a common fertilizer, but his yields remained modest. OC-MASSA, he said, changed that trajectory.

“Now I am more productive than in previous years because the fertilizer has raised our level of output,” he said. He added that frequent follow-up by fertilizer suppliers strengthened his practices. “The advice they give us, the strategy they introduce, and the methods they provide have helped us improve our efforts.”

His land, he noted, had long been weakened by soil acidity and persistent plant diseases — problems he said local administrations had struggled to address. This season marked the first time he saw clear recovery.

Their experience is increasingly shared across the cluster: all 41 participating farmers reported measurable gains attributed directly to OC-MASSA. The results are especially striking in light of national data from OCP Ethiopia showing that 43 percent of Ethiopia’s land is acidic and suffering from critically low pH levels.

The same study highlights regional disparities. In the former Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR), 72 percent of soils are classified as acidic. Under the country’s new federal arrangement, Sidama’s farmland now stands at 62 percent affected.

These findings were presented during a December 6 field visit to the OC-MASSA Wheat Cluster Demonstration, organized by OCP Ethiopia in partnership with the Sidama Region Agricultural Research Institute (SiRARI).

Researchers from SiRARI describe the initiative as a science-driven formulation that embeds granulated lime into a TSP-based blend, allowing it to correct soil acidity while improving phosphorus efficiency. During the visit, participants observed stronger crop stand uniformity, higher tiller numbers, denser wheat spikes, longer spike length, and an overall improvement in plant vigor.

Officials and experts at the event underscored the fertilizer’s significance. The Head of East Africa at OCP Nutricrops noted that soil acidity remains one of Ethiopia’s most persistent agricultural barriers — and that OC-MASSA is emerging as a practical, scalable solution tailored to the country’s conditions.

Local officials also used the visit to underscore the significance of the work unfolding in Luda. The Hula District Administration Head welcomed participants and praised OCP Ethiopia’s role in advancing science-based agricultural support. Sidama’s Regional Agriculture Bureau Head emphasized that real transformation requires equipping farmers with appropriate inputs, noting that OC-MASSA requires only three quintals per hectare — compared with the 30 quintals of conventional lime.

“Our long-standing collaboration with OCP Ethiopia has strengthened fertilizer research and demonstrations in the region,” the bureau’s director said. “Together, we are generating evidence-based solutions that directly address farmers’ production challenges and contribute to national efforts to improve productivity in areas affected by soil acidity.”

The demonstration in Sidama is part of a nationwide initiative launched in June 2025 across five regions — including Oromia, Amhara, Benishangul-Gumuz, and South Ethiopia — to assess OC-MASSA across multiple crops such as wheat, maize, teff, barley, soybean, and common bean. Researchers from SiRARI reported that the large-scale trials, conducted on 10 hectares across two woredas and involving 41 farmers, produced compelling evidence that the fertilizer is ready for commercial production.

Representatives from OCP Ethiopia and regional research institutes reiterated that their collaboration seeks to generate practical, data-driven solutions for farmers grappling with soil acidity. “The results here in Luda village show how the appropriate application of customized fertilizer blends, along with improved agronomic practices, can close yield gaps, support wheat self-sufficiency, and improve household incomes,” said the Head of East Africa at OCP Nutricrops.

Farmers who participated in the tour, including Melese and Gendeshu, shared their impressions from the season. They noted that the fertilizer’s impact on tillering reduced their seeding rate by half. “We expect 45 quintals per hectare — it shows the fertilizer fits our soil,” they said.

In closing remarks, the Ministry of Agriculture reaffirmed its commitment to promoting evidence-based inputs and strengthening partnerships that advance tailored fertilizer solutions. Officials called for scaling up such technologies, deepening institutional collaboration, and expanding capacity-building programs for farmers and extension workers to increase adoption of OC-MASSA nationwide.

The research underlying the demonstration was led by Selamyihun Kidanu (PhD), principal agronomist at OCP Ethiopia. He explained that acidic soils restrict crop access to essential nutrients such as phosphorus, suppress microbial activity, and deprive plants of key elements — conditions that can cut yields in affected areas to half the national average.

Selamyihun said OC-MASSA addresses these constraints through a dual mechanism. “The granulated limestone component actively neutralizes soil acidity in the root zone, where plants need it most,” he told The Reporter. “The highly soluble TSP then supplies readily available phosphorus, which is essential for early root development, energy transfer, and higher yields.”

He emphasized that mitigating soil acidity remains one of Ethiopia’s most enduring agricultural challenges, and that scaling up solutions like OC-MASSA requires long-term investment and coordinated action. “By harnessing our collective expertise and working with the land, we can turn even our most stubborn challenges into opportunities for a more productive and self-sufficient future,” he said.

The outcomes in Luda — including the experiences of Melese and Gendeshu — illustrate that OC-MASSA could play a decisive role in reversing declining soil fertility and laying the foundation for durable improvements in Ethiopia’s agricultural productivity.